Beyond Reform: Adjustment and Political Power in Contemporary Mozambique

1992 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle L. Bowen

Faced with global depression and political readjustments in the late 1980s, all states in Africa have been trying to implement major reforms. For socialist régimes, however, the demands have been the more daunting since these changes have often directly threatened the ideology (and the aspirations) of creating a more egalitarian social order in the wake of colonial rule. Their states faced fundamental social, economic, and ideological transformations, as well as political reconstruction; what was required was no less than the replacement of a socialist with a capitalist market economy, and corresponding alterations in property relations that involved enterprises such as peasant holdings, small family firms, and co-operatives, as well as large-scale farms, factories, and plants under state control. These reforms not only affected the lives of ordinary people, but also reshaped the power and privileges of the government, party leaders, and others directly dependent upon the state.

1994 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve King

Re-creating the social, economic and demographic life-cycles of ordinary people is one way in which historians might engage with the complex continuities and changes which underlay the development of early modern communities. Little, however, has been written on the ways in which historians might deploy computers, rather than card indexes, to the task of identifying such life cycles from the jumble of the sources generated by local and national administration. This article suggests that multiple-source linkage is central to historical and demographic analysis, and reviews, in broad outline, some of the procedures adopted in a study which aims at large scale life cycle reconstruction.


Author(s):  
Vugar Nazarov ◽  
◽  
Jamal Hajiyev ◽  
Vasif Ahadov ◽  
◽  
...  

Local and foreign scientists are now paying growing attention to various issues of property and the philosophical and ethical, political, economic, institutional, social, psychological, and other aspects of its formation, taking into account the requirements of large-scale transformation, which primarily concern post-industrial areas of social development. In consequence, as modern studies rightfully point out, considering property relations, two general restrictions should be taken into account: this is an attempt to explain the absoluteness of their roles, the presence and content of all aspects of socio-economic relations by property relations; and the denial of the role of property as one of the most important factors determining the direction of social development in the present and future.This situation forces a new look at the economic policy of the state in this area, because any financial and monetary measures taken by the government will be doomed to failure if their implementation will be without interaction with the mechanisms of the private property system. The article defines the entrepreneurial sector of the region, its interaction with the institutions of the market system operating in all sectors and spheres of the region's economy, and also shows the influence of the development of property relations on the institutions of entrepreneurship.


Author(s):  
Thembani Dube

The Kalanga are one of the ethnic groups found mostly in the Bulilima and Mangwe districts, in the southwestern parts of Zimbabwe. Although the origins of the Kalanga date back to a thousand years, it is important to note that Kalanga ethnic identity is a socially constructed phenomenon, which continues to be negotiated. Therefore, it is vital to note that dynamism, flexibility, and malleable are some of the attributes of this identity. As such, Kalanga history and identity, which has been a product of various processes, such as precolonial political and social organization, colonial rule and the postcolonial Zimbabwean state, will be sought after. Central to these processes are actors such as Kalanga chiefs, missionaries, colonial administrators, Kalanga elites, women, and the ordinary people, who played a significant role in shaping and articulating Kalanga identity at different historical epochs. Moreover, markers of Kalanga identity such as language, Ngwali/Mwali religion, chieftaincy, and histories of origin have been used to (re)construct Kalanga identity. Nonetheless, the heterogeneity of Kalanga people and the complexity involved in the intricate processes of identity formation will be acknowledged. In postcolonial Zimbabwe there has been rising interest from Kalanga elites who have lobbied the government to recognize the Kalanga. This activism is inspired by perceived marginalization of the Kalanga and other minority groups, which has been enforced through monolithic linguistic policies, orchestrated through government favoritism toward the so-called majority languages, such as Shona and IsiNdebele. However, the interaction and cordial relations among the Kalanga and other ethnic groups found in Zimbabwe will also be acknowledged. Nonetheless, there is no exhaustive account of this group as scholars continue to engage with them, hence contributing to always expand the different interpretations on these people. It is therefore hoped that the history of this particular group will be chronicled and perhaps directions for future research on the Kalanga pointed out. In order to fully explore this historical account, various sources that have been used in the study of Kalanga history will be critically engaged.


1965 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arcadius Kahan

To discuss economic activity in Russia of the eighteenth century is to deal with an economic and social order that antedates the age of industrialization. Industrial activity in Russia during the eighteenth century was carried on within the political framework of an autocratic state, with ill-defined norms of legal behavior, and against the background of a serf agriculture which reached its apogee during this very period. The state of the industrial arts was low in comparison with western European standards, and the use of waterpower as a motive force in manufactories was introduced in Russia by foreign entrepreneurs only in the seventeenth century. Against this background, the efforts by Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725) to modernize Russia appear genuinely heroic. The demands of his policy forced the government to engage directly in a vast program of establishing new industries, of converting small handicraft workshops into large-scale manufactories, and of encouraging private entrepreneurs to follow the government's example.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-754
Author(s):  
M. K. Gorshkov ◽  
I. O. Tyurina

The expansion of the covid-19 has created a new pandemic social reality. In fact, for the first time in modern history, mankind faces a global crisis determined not by geopolitical or economic challenges but by a disease which spreads in most countries and all continents as a pandemic, which affects the current social-economic processes and development forecasts, reveals and intensifies the most acute social problems, and significantly transformed the functioning of the contemporary society. The pandemic was a complete surprise for the world and national communities - a surprise not so much medical or epidemiological as social. Already at the beginning of the pandemic, there was an opposition of two approaches to its probable social consequences. Some experts believed that it would change the society radically and irreversibly, would transform social institutions and change everyday life, and the world will never be the same. Others argued that the new social practices would not affect the deepest foundations of the established social order which would be later restored in its pre-coronavirus form [10]. However, it is obvious that the global and extraordinary social upheavals caused by the pandemic would have large-scale social consequences that need to be described and analyzed, in particular the impact of the coronavirus on the most important spheres and aspects of life as assessed by the people. The article is based on the results of the all-Russian sociological study and presents a comprehensive analysis of the Russian life under the pandemic. The authors provide data on the dynamics of material and social situation of Russians, explain the impact of the pandemic on the social-psychological well-being, public mentality and spiritual atmosphere. The authors pay particular attention to the behavioral practices of different groups of the Russian population according to their adaptation to new social-economic conditions, preservation and development of human potential, and view of the countrys future.


Author(s):  
Viktoria Brezgunova

The relevance of this study is due to the recent increased interest in the political, social, economic and demographic processes that took place in the frontier region of South Russia in the 17th century, which included the Voronezh Region. Its territory was involved in large scale demo-graphic processes, there was a settlement and development of edge lands. In the late 1630s, the government placed cherkassys in the Voronezh Region, which later became a part of the military population. Based on the sources, we study the dynamics of changes in the number of cherkassy contingent of the region in the 1630–1680s, and reveal that their number during this period under-went significant changes. We consider the main factors that could make an influence on the cher-kassy number in the region, one of which, for example, could be the resettlement of cherkassy in neighboring regions. Also, the dynamics of changes in the cherkassy number in Voronezh Region in the 1630–1680s, presented in this study, on the one hand, systematize the data sources and literature that relate to this aspect; on the other hand, it can be further used by researchers to compare with other categories of service population of the region, as well as to study the demography in this period.


1996 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Collings ◽  
Richard Condon

Since the 1970s, the pace of social, economic, and political change has accelerated throughout the Canadian Arctic. In the Copper Inuit community of Holman, change has been accompanied by an increase in recreational facilities and activities organized by the local Hamlet Council and paid for by the Government of the Northwest Territories. Recreational involvement, primarily in the form of competitive team sports like hockey, provides a valuable outlet for Inuit teenagers and young adults who find it difficult to adjust to the new northern social order. This article examines the most visible of these sports — hockey — and discusses the effects that game involvement, violence, and ritualization of injury have upon young men's sense of control, status, and self-esteem.


Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

Nearly all classes of the Sikh social order suffered due to the loss of power in 1849, especially the Sikh jagīrdārs, the Sikh peasantry, and the Sikh soldiery. However, much of the lost ground was recovered before World War I. A new religious awakening among the Sikhs had started before 1849 in the form of the Nirankari and the Nāmdhārī movements. Both of these were overshadowed by the Singh Sabha movement which was far more influential. The Chief Khalsa Diwan, led by Sunder Singh Majithia, generally pursued constitutional politics. But there were other more radical Singh reformers who were willing to take up causes in opposition to the government. The Central Sikh League, the first political party of the Sikhs, was founded at Amritsar in 1919 to remain closely aligned with the Indian National Congress.


Author(s):  
Eugene G. Kolb

The social policy of Lionel Jospin’s government was focused on solving the problems of unemployment and social inequality, which in the 1990s were perceived by the population as the main problems of the country. This corresponded with traditions and ideological principles of the French left and the methods used were very close to the policies of previous left governments. One of the distinguishing features of Jospin’s government was the close attention it gave to family issues and protection of the interests of disabled people. Another distinctive feature was active use of the strong-willed approach, from which left-wing governments had retreated since 1983 under the influence of economic realities. At the same time the government took into account the necessity of economic development and refused to strengthen state control over labor relations as well as avoiding any large-scale actions to increase employees income. Despite the government’s pragmatism, for the first time since left forces came to power its social policy did not cause obvious disappointment among the part of the population close to the left camp. Despite all the external success of social policy results, it did not deliver the expected electoral effect due to the contradictions contained in it.


Rural China ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-158

Abstract This article explores organized violent conflicts over water control in the Jianghan plain,2 Hubei, central China, from 1839 to 1979. These include both large-scale conflicts between residents of the upper and lower reaches of the rivers of the Jianghan plain, or between residents on the opposite banks of the same rivers, and small-scale conflicts between neighboring polders or villages or clans. The organizers of these conflicts were usually men with military experience or were community leaders, such as clan leaders and village cadres. Their methods of organization included issuing flyers, establishing (illegal) dike bureaus, and mobilizing members of a whole village or clan. These kinds of organized violence over water control were civil actions involving villagers struggling to protect and promote their interests, not revolutionary action aimed at overthrowing the government. In the pre-1949 era, the government usually responded to such conflicts slowly and passively; in the post-1949 era, the government has responded quickly and actively. As a result, organized conflicts over water control occurred more often and were more violent in the pre-1949 era. This demonstrates that the occurrence of organized violent conflicts caused by human nature and environmental issues are not necessarily related to a sociopolitical form and its change, but their scope and frequency are determined by state control. (This article is in English.) 摘要 本文探讨华中地区湖北江汉平原自 1839 年至 1979 年间与水利有关的有组织的暴力冲突, 包括河流上下游、左右岸居民之间的大规模冲突与邻垸、邻村、或不同家族之间小规模的冲突。这些冲突的组织者往往是有军事经验者或地方领袖, 如族长及乡村干部。其组织方法包括发放传单、私设堤局、及全村(族)动员等。这种为争水权的有组织的暴力冲突只是老百姓为保护、促进切身利益的民事行为, 不是旨在推翻政府的革命行动。冲突发生后, 1949 年以前政府往往应对缓慢、被动, 而 1949 年以后政府则迅速、积极处理。因此此类由水利而引起的有组织的冲突在清代民国发生较多、更具暴力。这表明这种因人本性、因自然环境原因而形成的有组织的暴力冲突与社会政治形态及其改变没有必然关系, 但冲突的规模与发生的频率则与政府的控制有关。


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