Punitive Colonialism: The Dutch and the Indonesian National Integration

1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd. A. Nawawi

It is widely acknowledged that colonial experience has greatly affected the political development of ex-colonial countries. In particular, colonialism has often been regarded as the most important, if not the sole, basis of national integration in many of these countries. At the same time, the literature on political development still lacks a critical evaluation of the impact of colonial rule on these ex-colonies. The following essay is an initial assessment of the contribution of Dutch colonialism to the national political integration of Indonesia. Such an evaluation has not been explicitly made, even though the literature on Indonesia does not lack sweeping judgments by both Indonesian nationalists and the apologists for the Dutch “mission interrupted”.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Wolde Mikhael Kassaye Nigusie ◽  
Natalia Viktorovna Ivkina

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.


1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold H. Green

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries religion continued to play an obvious role in the Middle East. Among observers of that area the significance of the impact of religion on political development was consequently never minimized to the extent that it was among observers of political trends in the West. Western scholars interested in the Middle East, however, have tended to overrate the importance of the Muslim modernists with whom they felt a certain affinity. They also have accepted too uncritically the views of modernists concerning the lifelessness of traditional expressions of Islam. As a result, not until recently have we begun sufficiently to appreciate traditional Muslim religious leaders both for their impact on and for the diversity of their responses to modern political and intellectual currents. I believe that this diversity is not accidental but rather is susceptible to analysis and explanation. This essay demonstrates how four variables (historical circumstances, theological considerations, socioeconomic considerations, and governmental policies toward Muslim religious leaders) affected the political involvement of the Islamic ulama throughout the Middle East generally and in Tunisia particularly during the ‘liberal age’.


Author(s):  
Alexandr V. Guschin ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main trends in the internal political development of Ukraine within the year since coming to power of President Vladimir Zelensky and the “Servant of the People” party. The author identifies key factors contributing to the recessionary trends in the work of the Executive and Legislative branches of government, examines the main shortcomings of the personnel policy of the new authorities, analyzes the possibility of the collapse of the parliamentary majority, characterizes the problem of a drop in the ratings of the current government and the growth of sympathy for the opposition parties among voters of the party “Servant of the People”, provides a forecast of a possible electoral scenario in the local elections in the autumn of 2020, considering the impact of the coronavirus epidemic in the political life of the country. Special attention is paid to the confrontation between local and central authorities, as well as to the problem of regionalization of Ukraine, taking into account the risk of its transition to an uncontrolled state. The author concludes that, although the Ukrainian authorities have managed to achieve certain tactical successes, they have not yet managed to systematically strengthen their position in the eyes of the society, or start reformatting the country. Many election promises have not been fulfilled; the government’s initiatives are declarative and do not affect the foundations of the Ukrainian political system, which needs radical reform.


Author(s):  
Johnson O. Olaniyi

Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1) assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2) assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1) local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2) SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1) the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2) local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luqman Raheem ◽  
Nasir Durid

The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.


Africa ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Frank

Opening ParagraphIn studies of change in indigenous political organisations under the impact of colonial administration, the precolonial situation in Africa is often depicted as essentially static. Anthropologists tend to project a relatively ‘uninfluenced’ state of affairs from the early colonial period into the past. Change seems to occur under European influence. This picture is the result less of the conviction of the authors that conditions were static than of a lack of information on precolonial development. This is especially true for ‘acephalous’ societies; centralised societies often possess detailed traditions concerning their institutional history. In the following case, of the political development of a village in the Nigerian Middle Belt, it has been possible to record precolonial changes of organisation in an acephalous society.


Author(s):  
Acep Rahmat ◽  
Nana Supriatna ◽  
Moch Eryk Kamsori

This bachelor thesis titled “The political role of Javanese Ethnic in Suriname (1991- 2015), the main issues raised in this research is “How was the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname 1991- 2015?”. The main problem in this thesis divided into four questions, namely: (1) Why did Javanese Ethnic interested in Suriname’s politics? (2) How was the political development in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3) How was the contribution of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991-2015? (4) How was the impact of the political role of Javanese ethnic in Suriname in 1991- 2015? (3). That four questions become the basic and the main problem in this research. This research uses the historical method includes the four steps in it, such as heuristic, critic, interpretations and historiography. Meanwhile, the data collection techniques that used in this research is  literature studies, by examining the sources that relevant with the problems in this research. The approach in this research using interdisciplinary approaches by using the concept of politics, anthropology and sociology. The politics concepts that used is political party and government. The concept used from anthropology is ethnic, and the concepts from sociology is social mobility and adaptation theory. The main content of this research is the role of Javanese ethnic as newcomers in politics in Suriname. This research explains that the existence of discrimination policy by the Suriname’s special autonomy government against Javanese Ethnic who were reputed as the newcomers that made them joined politics in Suriname by establishing Javanese parties, entering the government and parliament, so that giving the impact for the Javanese ethnic on the modern era, there are many important political figures in  Suriname who served as the head of parliament, prime minister and the candidate of Suriname’s president.


Balcanica ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 85-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Pantelic

The paper deals with the reception of J. S. Mill?s writings by contemporary Serbian intellectuals. As shown in the paper, the impact that Millean ideas made on many important Serbian politicians and philosophers from all parts of the political spectrum was broad and profound. Special attention is paid to the work of liberal and socialist thinkers, notably Vladimir Jovanovic and Svetozar Markovic. The influence of Mill?s ideas on Serbia?s political development is also examined, as well as how Mill?s attitude towards the question of women?s rights impacted contemporary Serbian political thought.


ATAVISME ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Maimunah Maimunah

The resistance against Dutch colonialism in Indonesia was not only executed collectively such as through war but also sporadically, indirectly, and individually. The resistance against the political identity in the beginning of nineteenth centuries as represented in Pieter Elberveld (1924) by Chinese writer, Tio le Soei, shows the way Elberveld strives to resist colonial order and border as a "second class" below the Europeans. In order to destroy the colonial "rust en ordre", Elberveld uses various strategies such as claiming his resistance as Jihadfi Sablill ah (holy war), converting to Moslem and collaborating with Javanese priyayi which symbolically reflects his affiliation with the native. Meanwhile, his strategy to be called as "Toean Goesti" can be seen as his attempt to be classified as a Javanese leader. Despite the fact that Elberveld's tactics are not successful, the process to construct this self-naming portrays the variety of the colonial-subject resists the colonial rule.


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