scholarly journals Continuity Trumps Change: The First Year of Trump’s Administrative Presidency

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-619
Author(s):  
Rachel Augustine Potter ◽  
Andrew Rudalevige ◽  
Sharece Thrower ◽  
Adam L. Warber

ABSTRACTFrom campaign rhetoric to tweets, President Trump has positioned himself as “disrupter in chief,” often pointing to administrative action as the avenue by which he is leaving a lasting mark. However, research on the administrative presidency begins with the premise that all presidents face incentives to use administrative tools to gain substantive or political traction. If, as this article suggests, Trump’s institutional standing differs little from his recent predecessors, then how much of the Trump presidency represents a change from past norms and practices? How much represents continuity, or the perennial dynamics of a far-from-omnipotent executive in an ongoing world of “separate institutions sharing powers” (Neustadt 1990, 29)? To answer this, we tracked presidential directives and regulatory policy during Trump’s first year in office. We found evidence of continuity, indicating that in its use of administrative tactics to shape policy, the Trump White House largely falls in line with recent presidencies.

1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Gleijeses

AbstractA comprehensive study of the available documents about the Bay of Pigs, including many that have been declassified within the last eighteen months, and extensive interviews with the protagonists in the CIA, the White House and the State Department lead me to conclude that the disastrous operation was launched not simply because Kennedy was poorly served by his young staff and was the captive of his campaign rhetoric, nor simply because of the hubris of the CIA. Rather, the Bay of Pigs was approved because the CIA and the White House assumed they were speaking the same language when, in fact, they were speaking in utterly different tongues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 149-150
Author(s):  
Attila J. Hertelendy, PhD ◽  
William L. Waugh, Jr., PhD

The change in presidential administrations in the United States promises new approaches to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. The first year of the pandemic response in the United States has been characterized by a lack of national leadership. Moreover, the message from the White House Coronavirus Task Force has been muddled at best. There have been great inconsistencies in how the States have chosen to address spreading infections and increased stress on individual Americans who are trying to protect themselves and their families. The same pattern can be found with the distribution of vaccines and management of vaccinations. Politics has often conflicted with public health concerns. The States have been left to provide personal protective equipment (PPE) to medical personnel and first responders and to formulate their own guidance for protective measures.


Author(s):  
E. V. Emelianov

The article considers the changes in US foreign trade policy at the beginning of the Trump’s presidency. Exporting is a critical component for the long-term growth and the U.S. economy overall, and supporting millions of jobs in US. Though D. Trump campaigned for president as a protectionist, there was no such steps the first year of his presidency. But his second year in the White House began with announcing new tariffs on solar panels, washing machines, then on steel, aluminium. As concerning steel products, the United States being the world’s largest steel importer have persistent trade deficit.The US trade law allows the president to limit imports in case if domestic industries are threatened, against unfair foreign trade practices for a period of time, but such measures were not frequent in US practice. Meanwhile new protectionist measures are debated. Trump’s policy is being opposed not only by trade partners of the US, but in the US as well, by those who argue that protectionist measures will complicate international relationships.


Author(s):  
Stephen Skowronek ◽  
John A. Dearborn ◽  
Desmond King

This chapter considers depth in staff, exploring the role of White House officials tasked to bridge the president’s personal direction with the institutional presidency and the executive branch at large. These staffers are normally part of the presidential party, collectively representing the different wings of the president’s electoral coalition. In the Trump administration, the White House staff jostled for influence and favor throughout the president’s first year. Trump bristled at their efforts to establish regular processes and to control the flow of information. The president saw management of that sort as an impingement on his authority to act on his own instincts and to direct his subordinates at will. Differences over the issue of trade afford a brief, but sharp, illustration of the tension between an institutional presidency and the personal direction of a unitary executive.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 612-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Peterson

Studies of the relationship between the presidency and organized interests generally focus on presidential assistants and their communications with the interest group community. I take a different perspective. Based on presidential strategic interests and choices illuminated for several administrations through interviews with White House officials, four kinds of interest group liaison are identified: governing party, consensus building, outreach, and legitimization. These approaches are then empirically evaluated for the Reagan White House using interviews with Reagan's staff and the responses of several hundred interest group leaders to 1980 and 1985 surveys of national voluntary associations. Like the Carter administration after its first year, the Reagan White House initially emphasized “liaison as governing party” built on exclusive and programmatic ties to groups. A less activist legislative agenda and new circumstances later shifted the emphasis of the Reagan and Bush administrations to other forms of interest group liaison.


2009 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 371-385
Author(s):  
Byron W. Daynes ◽  
Glen Sussman

George W. Bush suggested during the 2000 campaign for the presidency that he would be an eco-friendly president. During his eight years in the White House, did the president use the power and resources of his office to carry out his campaign rhetoric about protecting the environment? This study examines the Bush approach to environmentalism by focusing on four important perspectives— political communication, legislative leadership, administrative actions, and environmental diplomacy—in an effort to better understand Bush’s environmental record. After a careful evaluation of the Bush presidency and the environmental domain, we offer our judgment about the Bush environmental legacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Kasper Grotle Rasmussen

This article examines the rather poor emotional relationship between the White House and the State Department during 1961, the first year of the presidency of John F. Kennedy. The article argues that both sides had expectations of the relationship that turned into disappointments and that both sides felt that their approach and work was superior to the other. During the Berlin Crisis, this clash of emotions gained political significance concerning the case of the American response to a Soviet formal diplomatic note (an aide-mémoire) following the June 1961 Vienna Summit between Kennedy and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. The White House and the State Department had different priorities and because of the poor emotional relationship they failed to find common ground. The end result was that the State Department won the battle by having its preferred version of the response sent to the Soviets. But the Department lost the war, because the White House used the opportunity to take control of Berlin policy at the expense of the State Department.


Tripodos ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 51-69
Author(s):  
Blanca Nicasio Varea ◽  
Marta Pérez Gabaldón ◽  
Manuel Chavez

The proliferation of nationalist and nativist movements all over the world has capitalized on the broad impact of social media, especially on Twitter. In the case of the United States, as candidate and then as President, Donald Trump initiated an active use of Twitter to disseminate his views on migration and migrants. This paper analyzes the themes and the political implications of his tweets from Trump’s electoral win to the end of the first year of his presidency. The authors’ assumptions are that Trump’s rhetoric untapped a collective sentiment against migration as well as one which supported views to protect migrant communities. The findings show that some topics were retweeted massively fueling the perceptions that most Americans were against migrant communities and their protectors. We conducted content analysis of the tweets sent by President Trump during his first year in the White House. We used the personal account of Trump in Twitter @realDonaldTrump. Trump has used his personal account as a policy and political media instrument to convey his messages rather than to use the official account that all Presidents have traditionally used @POTUS. Since Trump ran on a nativist platform with strong negative sentiments against migrants and immigration in general, we examined the tweets that relate to these topics.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Panov

The article analyses the main actions of Washington in Asia-Pacific region in a first year of the presidency of Joe Biden. This analyses allows to formulate several conclusions about conception and concrete approaches of a new administration to strategy of the USA in APR as well as to relations with main countries of the region and conclusion about differences from asia-pacific policy of previous administration. First, when president D. Trump did not take into account opinion of experts on asia-pacific problems, Joe Biden organized a team of an experienced and authoritative specialists on regional problems, as well as on relations with the most important regional states. Second, while sharing in general the course of the predecessor concerning policy towards China and regard China as a main threat to political, economic and military interests of the USA, Joe Biden shifted and accent from pressure on Beijung on trade-economic problems toward creation of the «containment ring» around China using formation of alliances and unions of countries, which are sharing the position of Washington about growing chinese threat. Third, White house unleashed active ideological counteraction against chinese political, social and economic system, against attempts of Beijing to export its model of «socialism under leadership of communist party», first of all, to developing countries. Finally, through administration of Joe Biden is revealing growing concern about rise of military might of China and about possibility using force against Taiwan, in the end of 2021 year there are started to appear signs of departure from originally determination to secure a containment of Beijing by using making pressure and intentions to lower the degree of tension in american-chinese relations by attempts to reach an agreement about «rules of behavior», about «management of intense competition».  


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-329
Author(s):  
Harry Bakwin

TWENTY-SIX years ago a small group of pediatric leaders met in the library of the Harper Hospital in Detroit to complete plans for the formation of a new society. A number of considerations contributed to the origin of this society, prominent among which was the rapidly growing number of well-trained pediatricians, but the immediate impetus was the White House Conference called by President Hoover in Washington in 1929. Here, with the guidance of many of the founders of the Academy, a program for child health was developed which could be best carried out by an organization of pediatricians. In this way the Academy came into being. From the very beginning an appreciation of the broader aspects of pediatrics has colored its activities. The particular circumstances under which it was formed certainly had much to do with its interests and aims. The founding fathers were not content with simply another "scientific society." True, there were scientific sessions, where the newer developments in pediatrics were presented and discussed. But, from the very start, the Academy took an active part in all matters relating to the health and welfare of children. And from the very start, the Academy showed that it was truly representative of all its members—practitioners, teachers, investigators, public health workers. The breadth of its interests was reflected in the committee activities. In the first year of its existence there were, among others, Academy committees on Medical Education, Hospitals and Dispensaries, the relation of the Academy to Philanthropic, Welfare and Health and similar agencies, Nursing Education in Pediatrics, and Mental Hygiene. In this way the Academy of Pediatrics showed its awareness of its social obligations and its influence was felt early. As the Academy membership has grown in experience and in numbers, and as the Academy has extended its interests in more and more fields, it has attained a position of eminence and high respect among philanthropic and government agencies which have to do with children; and the help and guidance of the Academy is sought widely.


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