scholarly journals Models of party democracy: patterns of party regulation in post-war European constitutions

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid van Biezen ◽  
Gabriela Borz

This article investigates the ways in which political parties are codified in modern democratic constitutions, providing a unique cross-sectional and longitudinal overview of the patterns of party constitutionalization in post-war Europe. Although the constitutions of western liberal democracies traditionally have paid little attention to the role of parties, evidence suggests that in contemporary democracies, both old and new, they are increasingly accorded a formal constitutional status. Little is known, however, about the substantive content of their constitutional position or about the normative connotations of their constitutional codification. In this article, we demonstrate that there is a clear correlation between the nature and the intensity of party constitutionalization and the newness and historical experience of democracy and that, with time, the constitutional regulation of the extra-parliamentary organization and the parties’ rights and duties has gained in importance at the expense of their parliamentary and electoral roles. The analysis furthermore suggests that three distinct models of party constitutionalization can be identified – Defending Democracy, Parties in Public Office, and Parties as Public Utilities – each of which is related to a particular conception of party democracy.

Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 20-39
Author(s):  
Sultan Naser Fares Alquraan ◽  
Haytham Adouse

This study identifies the role of Jordanian political parties in supporting the process of democratic consolidation and in solving the problems and challenges that block the process of democratic transformation. It used a cross-sectional design depending on statistics and analytics, whereby 497 male and female students were selected from three departments of the recruited colleges. Data were collected through a questionnaire, with a reliability score of 0.92 (Cronbach’s alpha). Descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation coefficient, univariate analysis, and multiple contrast tests were used to analyze the data. Findings from the study indicated that the role of Jordanian political parties in entrenching the process of democratic transformation and in solving problems and challenging procedures was partially performed. The obtained p-value of 0.00 indicates that political parties play a significant role in dealing with democratic challenges at behavioral, attitudinal, and constitutional levels.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Reuter

AbstractPolitical parties in Indonesia and in other parts of Southeast Asia have become vitally dependent on the financial support of individuals or conglomerates with large private fortunes. A remarkable new development is that some of the billionaires who have long sponsored political parties have decided to out themselves as political leaders, and thus to adopt the style of oligarchs. I define an oligarchy as a society featuring systematic conflation of political and economic power within the same individuals or within small, elite groups of such individuals in a manner that is visible, tolerated and hence legitimated. The gradual shift from clandestine money politics to open oligarchy is a significant challenge for contemporary liberal democracies. Conflicts of interest between the demands of public office and their private interests would seem difficult to avoid for politicians who also run large business empires and own great estates. On the other hand, for billionaire sponsors of political parties to come forward and stand for public office personally also means that their hitherto clandestine influence is becoming more transparent, and their conduct and decisions more subject to public scrutiny and accountability. This article describes how both direct and indirect ways of conducting money politics operate and coexist within different types of political parties in Indonesia today, what the significance of these differences is and what is changing; with special reference to the 2014 parliamentary elections in Indonesia.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Ware

This article examines how party organization affects, and is itself affected by, the objectives pursued by parties in liberal democracies; it focuses on vote-seeking behaviour by parties. It argues that it is a mistake to model activist–leader relations in the past as having been primarily the product of particular kinds of ‘exchanges’ between leaders and activists in a party. Such models limit our understanding of intra-party relations in four important respects – by focusing exclusively on the idea of ‘exchange’ and not examining the role of ‘gifts’; by not considering the role of solidary incentives; by omitting an analysis of loyalty; and by not taking account of the role of habit. However, the article also argues that ‘exchange’ is becoming now a far more significant element in intra-party relations and that this development will constrain party leaders and influence the goals pursued by parties. Greater reliance on exchange between leaders and activists may lead to parties becoming generally more policy-seeking in their behaviour and also to their becoming less manageable than in the past.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devon E.A. Curtis ◽  
Gyda M. Sindre

How do the visions of the state articulated by armed movements during conflict change when they become political parties after war? We show that ideas about the state are often central to the strategies and direction of these new parties, but there is variation in the extent to which these ideas have changed. The first part of this article shows why a focus on former rebel parties provides valuable insights into the role of ideas in post-war politics. The second part draws on the literatures on civil wars and political parties to highlight their relevance for former rebel parties. The third part provides a framework for understanding the variation in the role of ideology in former rebel parties, by focusing on ideological content and explanations of post-war ideological continuity and change. This part also introduces the other articles in the special issue and wider collection. Finally, we discuss the effects of these ideologies when they encounter other logics of post-war politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Van Acker

This contribution explores the legacies of armed rebellion in post-war Burundi, where two of the main political parties, the ruling CNDD-FDD and the FNL, are former rebel movements. It aims to add a micro-political perspective to the discussion on the transformation of rebel groups into political parties, and bring some nuance to the normative underpinnings of this debate. Based on observations of the role of local leaders with an FNL past, and of retrospective popular appreciation for wartime governance by the FNL in its stronghold of Bujumbura Rural, the paper argues that beyond the symptoms of a violent political culture, this legacy should also be understood as a complex source of post-war power and legitimacy.


Crisis ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danica W. Y. Liu ◽  
A. Kate Fairweather-Schmidt ◽  
Richard Burns ◽  
Rachel M. Roberts ◽  
Kaarin J. Anstey

Abstract. Background: Little is known about the role of resilience in the likelihood of suicidal ideation (SI) over time. Aims: We examined the association between resilience and SI in a young-adult cohort over 4 years. Our objectives were to determine whether resilience was associated with SI at follow-up or, conversely, whether SI was associated with lowered resilience at follow-up. Method: Participants were selected from the Personality and Total Health (PATH) Through Life Project from Canberra and Queanbeyan, Australia, aged 28–32 years at the first time point and 32–36 at the second. Multinomial, linear, and binary regression analyses explored the association between resilience and SI over two time points. Models were adjusted for suicidality risk factors. Results: While unadjusted analyses identified associations between resilience and SI, these effects were fully explained by the inclusion of other suicidality risk factors. Conclusion: Despite strong cross-sectional associations, resilience and SI appear to be unrelated in a longitudinal context, once risk/resilience factors are controlled for. As independent indicators of psychological well-being, suicidality and resilience are essential if current status is to be captured. However, the addition of other factors (e.g., support, mastery) makes this association tenuous. Consequently, resilience per se may not be protective of SI.


Crisis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Lew ◽  
Ksenia Chistopolskaya ◽  
Yanzheng Liu ◽  
Mansor Abu Talib ◽  
Olga Mitina ◽  
...  

Abstract. Background: According to the strain theory of suicide, strains, resulting from conflicting and competing pressures in an individual's life, are hypothesized to precede suicide. But social support is an important factor that can mitigate strains and lessen their input in suicidal behavior. Aims: This study was designed to assess the moderating role of social support in the relation between strain and suicidality. Methods: A sample of 1,051 employees were recruited in Beijing, the capital of China, through an online survey. Moderation analysis was performed using SPSS PROCESS Macro. Social support was measured with the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support, and strains were assessed with the Psychological Strains Scale. Results: Psychological strains are a good predictor of suicidality, and social support, a basic need for each human being, moderates and decreases the effects of psychological strains on suicidality. Limitations: The cross-sectional survey limited the extent to which conclusions about causal relationships can be drawn. Furthermore, the results may not be generalized to the whole of China because of its diversity. Conclusion: Social support has a tendency to mitigate the effects of psychological strains on suicidality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Author(s):  
Maksudur Rahman ◽  
Mohammad Abdullah Al Mamun ◽  
MAK Azad Chowdhury ◽  
Abu Sayeed Munsi

Background: Recently it has been apprehended that sildenafil, a drug which has been successfully using in the treatment of PPHN and erectile dysfunction in adult, is going to be withdrawn from the market of Bangladesh due to threat of its misuses. Objective: The aim of this study was to see the extent of uses of sildenafil in the treatment of PPHN and importance of availability of this drugs in the market inspite of its probable misuses. Methods: This cross sectional study was conducted in neonatal intensive care unit (NICU), special baby care unit (SCABU) and cardiac intensive care unit (CICU) of Dhaka Shishu (Children) Hospital from June, 2017 to May 2018. Neonates with PPHN were enrolled in the study. All cases were treated with oral sildenefil for PPHN along with others management according to hospital protocol. Data along with other parameters were collected and analyzed. Results: Total 320 patients with suspected PPHN were admitted during the study period. Among them 92 (29%) cases had PPHN. Male were 49(53 %) cases and female were 43(47%) cases. Mean age at hospital admission was 29.7±13.4 hours. Based on echocardiography,13(14%) cases had mild, 38 (41%) cases moderate and 41(45%) cases severe PPHN. Mean duration of sildenafil therapy was 11.9±7.1 days. Improved from PPHN were 83 (90%) cases. Mortality was 10% (9). Conclusion: In this study it was found that the incidence of PPHN is 29% among the suspected newborns. Sildenafil is successfull in improving the oxygenation of PPHN and to decrease the mortality of neonates. DS (Child) H J 2019; 35(2) : 100-104


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