Ramzan Kadyrov: The Indigenous Key to Success in Putin's Chechenization Strategy?

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Russell

On 15 February 2007 Vladimir Putin accepted the resignation of Alu Alkhanov as President of Chechnya and nominated the Chechen prime minister—Ramzan Kadyrov—to act as his successor. This appointment, duly rubber-stamped by Chechnya's parliament, brought to an end to more than four months of speculation since 5 October 2006, when Kadyrov attained the age of 30 and thus became eligible for the post of Chechnya's head of state. Kadyrov's elevation to de jure rather than de facto supremacy in Chechen society not only completed the final stage of the remarkably rapid transformation of this one-time rebel, juvenile thug and political ingénue but also put Putin's policy of Chechenization firmly back on track, which had been effectively derailed since the assassination of Chechnya's first pro-Russian president—Akhmad Kadyrov—Ramzan's father, in May 2004.

Significance The visit, sandwiched between the July 11-12 NATO Summit and July 16 meeting of Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Helsinki, returns UK Prime Minister Theresa May's trip to Washington in January 2017. Impacts The post-Brexit UK-EU deal could scupper a UK-US free trade deal. Trump’s visit may see some new UK-US business deals, and new security and military cooperation pledges. New UK Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt will need to build ties with Trump and his administration.


Subject Budapest's balancing between traditional and non-traditional ties. Significance Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban recently received two important visitors in Budapest: German Chancellor Angela Merkel (February 2) and Russian President Vladimir Putin (February 17). The short interval between them is symbolic of Hungary's foreign-policy balancing act. However, the Fidesz government's 'Eastern opening' strategy has increasingly shown its limits in the past year, prompting Orban to make gestures towards his Western allies. Impacts Central European allies are likely to distance themselves further from Hungary following Putin's visit to Budapest. Despite addressing discriminatory taxes on TV advertising, political control will continue to limit foreign media investments. Anti-Russian sentiment within Hungarian public opinion may open a window of opportunity for opposition parties.


Subject Drivers and constraints in Israeli engagement with Russia Significance Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu visited Moscow on June 7 for the third time in under nine months. His frequent meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin reflect his irritation with US President Barack Obama as well as a desire for more diverse international engagement. He also needs to ensure good communication on military actions in Syria given that Russian and Israeli interests are so disparate. Impacts The appointment of a pro-Russian defence minister in Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, should improve security relations. While supplying arms to Iran, Russia will press Israel not to supply arms to Ukraine. Putin's encouragement for Israel to revive ties with Turkey may indicate he wants a similar thaw with Ankara.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shlapentokh

The interplay between the state and the super rich has been a subject of intense debate since the time of Aristotle, who introduced the notion of oligarchs and the oligarchic regime as the ruling of a few rich people. The ideologically loaded debates about the role of wealthy people in society can be found in each country in the contemporary world. In recent times, the fact that Silvio Berlusconi is both Italy’s prime minister and the richest person in the country (who has almost complete control over Italian TV) has aroused intense debates about the impact of big business on politics (Stille, 2003). It is not surprising that the case of the Italian prime minister draws attention in Russia, where he is often compared to both the Russian president as well as to the oligarchs (Remnik, 2003). A dramatic struggle between Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, whose wealth was estimated before his arrest at eight-billion dollars,1 unfolded in the summer and fall of 2003. This conflict will likely be recounted in any future textbook that discusses the relationship between political power and big money.


Subject Trump enthusiasts in Central-Eastern Europe. Significance Some of the most vocal and high-ranking supporters abroad of the Republican candidate for the US presidency, Donald Trump, are in Central-Eastern Europe (CEE). The first sitting head of state or government to endorse Trump's bid was Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban; he has been joined by Czech President Milos Zeman. Given Trump's hints at waiving the US commitment to defending this strategically volatile region, this may mask a degree of cognitive dissonance. However, CEE leaders are pursuing domestic games and betting on the star of illiberalism rising, with good reason. Impacts The EU will face disunity and, potentially, disintegration, should it not alter its current 'single-speed' form. Russian President Vladimir Putin will get a freer hand; provocations against NATO and neighbouring states are likely to be ramped up. The appeal of the Western liberal order will dissipate and new, illiberal forms of development will proliferate in the world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

This article discusses different aspects of the political evolution of Russian President and former Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and the impact of his evolution upon the type of regime that has evolved from soft authoritarianism to a ‘militocracy‘ and ‘consolidated authoritarian regime.’ The article discusses eight contributions to this special issue by placing them within the broader context of how the West misread two areas pertaining to Russia. The first is how the West by wrongly believing that Russia, being a member of G8, the NATO-Russia Council and other Western structures, continued to be interested in becoming a Western political and economic system. The second is the tradition, stretching back to Sovietology, of ignoring and downplaying the issue of how the nationalities question and different nationalisms interact with democratic revolutions, transitions and, specifically, with Russian politics. The introductory article next discusses the eight contributions within the context of: Russian messianism, the Russkii Mir (Russian World), how and when nationalists and fascists became mainstream in Russian politics, Putin’s great power nationalism, Ukrainophobia and Russian chauvinism, historical myths and re-Stalinization of Putin’s political system. The final section compares Russia’s invasions of Georgia and Ukraine in 2008 and 2014 respectively and the growing xenophobia in Russian foreign policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Tudoroiu

Based on a public office definition of corruption, this article uses the case studies of doctoral plagiarism of German Minister of Defence Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, Hungarian President Pàl Schmitt, Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta, and Russian President Vladimir Putin in order to show that, by shattering citizens’ confidence in and respect for political class, political parties, state institutions and rule of law, academic plagiarism of high-ranking politicians intertwines with and enforces the most serious democratic failures in their respective countries: degeneration of political culture in Germany, nationalist authoritarian trends in Hungary, a culture of corruption in Romania, and outright dictatorship in Russia. As such, this specific type of plagiarism goes far beyond academia. It represents a direct, aggressive, and effective threat against democracy itself.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-180
Author(s):  
Anna Islentyeva

AbstractIn light of the current SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, military linguistic patterns and framings now seem to be omnipresent in our daily discourses. Media and political discourses play a key role in conceptualising the pandemic, its impact, and the measures taken to respond to it in terms of war. This study represents a comparative discourse analysis of a selection of official statements and speeches delivered by four world leaders whose countries have been severely affected by the coronavirus pandemic: British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, US President Donald Trump, and Russian President Vladimir Putin. The linguistic analysis attempts to identify the differences and similarities in the political framing of the pandemic and these governments’ responses to it. A particular focus is placed on the range of metaphorical patterns that foreground the warlike and aggressive nature of these measures.


2020 ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Vasiliy Ryazhenov ◽  
Victoriya Andreyeva ◽  
Elena Zakharochkina

Russian President Vladimir Putin defined increase in life expectancy from 72.7 to 78 years by 2024 as a national aim in the Decree № 204 of May 7, 2018. Achievement of this aim depends on drug provision system among other factors. Strategy of drug provision for the population of the Russian Federation for the period until 2025 sets the goal of increasing availability of high quality, effective and safe medicines to meet needs of the population and the health system based on the formation of a rational and balanced system of drug provision for the population of the country with available resources. The health care system should expand the possibilities of using modern and effective mechanisms to ensure the financing of drug provision for the population.


Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko

The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.


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