scholarly journals Urbanization in (post-) New Order Indonesia: connecting unevenness in the city with that in the countryside

Author(s):  
Bosman Batubara ◽  
Michelle Kooy ◽  
Yves Van Leynseele ◽  
Margreet Zwarteveen ◽  
Ari Ujianto
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Benjamin Hegarty

The regulation of public space is generative of new approaches to gender nonconformity. In 1968 in Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia, a group of people who identified as wadam—a new term made by combining parts of Indonesian words denoting “femininity” and “masculinity”—made a claim to the city's governor that they had the right to appear in public space. This article illustrates the paradoxical achievement of obtaining recognition on terms constituted through public nuisance regulations governing access to and movement through space. The origins and diffuse effects of recognition achieved by those who identified as wadam and, a decade later, waria facilitated the partial recognition of a status that was legal but nonconforming. This possibility emerged out of city-level innovations and historical conceptualizations of the body in Indonesia. Attending to the way that gender nonconformity was folded into existing methods of codifying space at the scale of the city reflects a broader anxiety over who can enter public space and on what basis. Considering a concern for struggles to contend with nonconformity on spatial grounds at the level of the city encourages an alternative perspective on the emergence of gender and sexual morality as a definitive feature of national belonging in Indonesia and elsewhere.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Adif Fahrizal

This article discusses the spread of Islam in the city and the neighborhood of Surakarta, Central Java during the New Order period. The spread of Islam took place through massive Islamic religious activities, such as mass prayer. In addition, the expansion of the number of mosques and mushola (Islamic praying sites) indicates a massive expansion of the influence of Islam in the region. Based on data from newspapers and interviews with relevant informants of the time, this article found out that the spread of Islam in Surakarta was a political agenda set up by the New Order government in order to counter the remnants of Communist ideology, which was withheld by sympathizers of the then Indonesian Communist Party. This article concludes that the massive spread of Islam shaped Surakarta, which had been known as the center of syncretic Javanese culture, to become religious and the government’s fear of Communism could be reduced. However, the process also made a sharp dichotomy between Islamist-based and Javanese-based identity of the city.


2018 ◽  
Vol 931 ◽  
pp. 862-869
Author(s):  
Pavel N. Kostrikin

In spring 2017 the Zoning Rules (ZR) have come into force in Moscow – in fact, this is the main document enabling real estate development in any particular urban land plot. After the first year of the new order enactment, the author analyzes both relevant and probable economic repercussions from the ZR adoption and concludes that no positive effect anticipated by the city administration can be discerned; after the urban land development plans (ULDP) earlier issued for Moscow developers expire, the duration and cost of the preinvestment construction stage will notably rise, which, in turn, will result in the investment cost growth for all immovable property types in Moscow.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifuddin Alif Nurdianto

Ponorogo was previously called Wengker. Ponorogo is one of the Indonesia’s cultural icons with its Reog and is famous as the city of santri (students of Islamicboarding schools), has a dark past. The name of Ponorogo was coined by Bathara Katong in 1496 as a manifestation of his preachings. It was also the sign of the end of the old order, which was full of negative stigma, and the beginning of the better new order. Using philosophical and ethnosemantic approaches, this qualitative research examined the underlying reasons why Bathara Katong changed the name Wengker into Ponorogo. The new name contains philosophical meaning, that is, Ponorogo endeavours to become dynamic and creative civil society which upholds the values of civilization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
I. Ilham

This article describes modernity in the city of Makassar during the New Order era. The meaning of modernity in this article was a modern idea or thought in the form projects of development (modernization) which the state tries to control. The control of the State is manifested in the form of uniformity and mobilization of development projects by the city government. The main impact that arises from the process is problems of urban, environment of the urban physical and social life of population of the city. This study uses the approach of the history of the city. The data used came from archives, newspapers, magazines, and results of interviews. This study shows that uniformity and mobilization of urban development modernity projects touch the lowest level, especially in the regulation and use of urban space and in the activities of urban residents. At the same time, the control and influence of the private sector increasingly determines the use of space. A predetermined city plan often can not work because it gets intervention from the interests of the private sector. In this conflict of interests, various "disappointments" arose in the attempt to modernize urban space. In urban areas, problems arise in structuring cities and social life which are vulnerable as an impact of an increasingly widespread modernization project. On the other side, the livelihood sources of some urban residents such as the informal sector are increasingly marginalized and have no support from the city government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Lydiana Salim ◽  
Akhmad Ramdhon

<p>The May 1998 riots that occurred were the result of a collection of political, social and economic events that occurred during the New Order. Events of the May 1998 riots in the city of Surakarta had a great influence on the lives of the victims. In the aftermath of the May 1998 riots, several victims were declared traumatized to the extent of damaging their homes and businesses. The purpose of this study was to determine the chronology of the May 1998 riots and analyze the dynamics of the May 1998 riots in the city of Surakarta. The theory in this research is the Conflict theory from Ralf Dahrendorf. This type of research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach in the city of Surakarta. The sampling technique with snowball sampling technique. The research informants consisted of student activists and formal organizations, journalists, religious leaders and victims of the May 1998 incident. Data were collected by observation, in-depth interviews and documentation. To test data validity with source triangulation. The data analysis technique uses an interactive analysis model from Miles and Huberman.<strong> </strong>The results showed that the May 1998 riots which occurred for two days caused damage and material losses. Mass amok movements occur regularly by doing damage, looting to arson in every corner of the city. After the May 1998 riots, the city's economic sector did not work. Some entrepreneurs were forced to stop production for a while due to the damage they experienced. Post-disaster economic reconstruction is carried out by the government and community groups by providing assistance to victims. From social conditions, after the May 1998 riots some victims decided to flee to areas that were safe from conflict. After the riots of May 1998 victims were pressured by the community in the form of negative stigma. Discomfort and fear experienced by the people after the riots began to be addressed by involving religious institutions. Religious institutions work together in creating communication forums between communities. in terms of the psychological condition of the people after the riots, some victims experienced trauma from witnessing firsthand the atrocities that occurred.<strong></strong></p>


DIALEKTIKA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Hatib Kadir

ABSTRACT: Using the approach of Karl Polanyi (2014), this paper studies three great transformation take place in Ambon Island during the 1970s t0 1990s. Those transformation are on land, money and transportation. Money transforms local people to acquaint with the price system. On the other hand, the needs of consumption increase when money is introduced. Using money, local Moluccans can send their children to the higher school as well as allocate to buy more machinery works. The machinization also accelerates rural people to work faster and more efficient. The questions from this paper is who are the people who bring all of these social and economic transformations? The author found that the coming of voluntary migrants from Sulawesi, Java, and Padangese any other Island in Indonesia play significant role to change the Moluccan system economic and social systems. These migrants dominate exchanges from the production level in the orchards to the rural and urban marketplaces. They play both as traders and middlemen. The Butonese, migrants from Sulawesi, are the most significant suppliers and middlemen that bring rural commodities to sell to the Chinese Moluccan in the city. Chinese Moluccan mostly are shop owners who do not have a direct in touch with the local Moluccan landowners in the rural areas. They also play a role as moneylender for Butonese to buy cloves and nutmeg from the rural areas. Therefore, it is Butonese that have direct contact with the rural Moluccans. Despite the authoritarian regime of the New Order, in the economic field, the State tend to let people to constitute their own business, before finally in the mid of 1990s, The Clove Support and Trading Board (BPPC) under the authority of Tommy Suharto, the son of Indonesian President, took over the business by monopolize the clove trade system. Keywords: Economic Transformation, ethnic economy, exchanges, middlemen, monetization.


Author(s):  
Olga L. Mishutina ◽  
G. V Volchenkova ◽  
A. B Shashmurina

From 01.01.2018 year came into force the new order of Ministry of health of the Russian Federation «About carrying out of preventive medical examinations of minors» No. 514н, according to which the dentist is part of the medical Commission and examines children in the following life periods: 1 month, 2 years, 3 years, and then annually until the age of 17. The aim of our study was to compare the prevalence and intensity of dental caries in children, the prevalence of dental anomalies in children aged 2 years, 4 years, 6 years and 7 years, which were carried out preventive examinations in 2016 and 2017. In children aged two years, the prevalence of caries of temporary teeth increased from 14.3% in 2016 to 20.7% in 2017, the intensity of caries also increased by 2 times from 0.3 to 0.6 (p


1962 ◽  
Vol 13 (50) ◽  
pp. 117-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.W. Boyle

For over ten years (June 1895–January 1906) a conservative and unionist government was in office, and, except for the minor devolution crisis of 1904-5, Irish home rule was not a serious issue at Westminster. In Ulster it was a period of relative quiet, undisturbed by the agitation and riots that had attended the home rule bills of 1886 and 1893. After 1886 conservatives and liberal unionists were united electorally and supported unionist parliamentary candidates, though they retained formally separate organisations; liberal home rulers were politically unimportant for most of the period, though they contested seats in Londonderry, Antrim and Tyrone.In the absence of an immediate external threat dissent grew among those not committed to nationalism. T. W. Russell, M.P. for South Tyrone, found himself increasingly at variance with his leaders over the claims of tenant farmers and stood as an independent unionist in 1906; he was later to become a home rule liberal. At the Belfast municipal elections of 1897 the labour movement of the city returned six candidates, and during the following decade contested the North Belfast parliamentary seat in three successive years. A serious and embarrassing challenge to the leadership of Ulster unionism and the Orange Order was offered by the electoral success in 1902 of T. H. Sloan, a shipyard worker and master of an Orange lodge, and by the formation of the Independent Orange Order in the following year. Sloan, who held his South Belfast seat until 1910, contended that official unionist and Orange leaders disregarded working-class interests and were too ready to yield to catholic and nationalist pressure. The radicalism of the new order was strengthened by one of its officers, Robert Lindsay Crawford, who wished it to follow his own evolution towards liberal nationalism. It is the purpose of this paper to trace the origin and growth of the Independent Orange Order, its rôle in the general election of 1906 and the revival of Ulster liberalism, and its relationship with the Belfast labour movement.


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