Functions of the capital city in the political and territorial structure of the state

AbstractDespite a growing literature revealing the presence of millenarian movements in both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhist societies, scholars have been remarkably reluctant to consider the role of messianic beliefs in Buddhist societies. Khruubaa Srivichai (1878–1938) is the most famous monk of northern Thailand and is widely revered as atonbun, or saint. Althoughtonbunhas been depoliticized in the modern context, the term also refers to a savior who is an incarnation of the coming Maitreya Buddha. In 1920 Srivichai was sent under arrest to the capital city of Bangkok to face eight charges. This essay focuses on the charge that he claimed to possess the god Indra's sword. Although this charge has been widely ignored, it was in fact a charge of treason. In this essay, I argue that the treason charge should be understood within the context of Buddhist millenarianism. I note the saint/savior tropes in Srivichai's mytho-biography, describe the prevalence of millenarianism in the region, and detail the political economy of the decade of the 1910s prior to Srivichai's detention. I present evidence to show that the decade was characterized by famine, dislocation, disease, and other disasters of both natural and social causes. Such hardships would have been consistent with apocalyptic omens in the Buddhist repertoire portending the advent of Maitreya. Understanding Srivichai in this millenarian context helps to explain both the hopes of the populace and the fears of the state during that tumultuous decade.

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Political and Military Developments in the Byzantine Empire During the 11th Century

Human and Social Studies ◽

10.2478/hssr-2018-0013 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 7 (2) ◽

pp. 36-50

Author(s):

Muhamet Qerimi ◽

Muhamet Mala

Keyword(s):

Golden Age ◽

The State ◽

State System ◽

Capital City ◽

Political Crisis ◽

The Political ◽

Byzantine Empire ◽

Military Leaders ◽

New Period ◽

Foreign Politics

Abstract For the Byzantine Empire, at the end of the first quarter of the 11thcentury, a new period starts, which in the historiography opinion is generalized as the period of the rule of bureaucratic aristocracy of the capital city. This covers the period 1025-1081, which was characterized by disintegration in the state system and failures in the field of internal and foreign politics. The political crisis at its beginning did not appear clearly, because bureaucratic aristocracy came to power following the thriving period that Byzantine Empire had experienced until then, known as the golden age of the empire. After a calm developmental beginning, the period commenced to be characterized by some developments of decentralizing character. Heirs of the then Byzantine Emperor, Basil II. could not resist enough the separatist movements of feudal and military leaders. Despite these trends towards weakening and separatism, Empire reached that thanks to Komnena dynasty to successfully withstand the challenges that were created by Seljuk Turks and Norman Crusaders. It partially reclaimed its former reputation to continue with the political existence for some more centuries. In these developments, the Byzantine Emperors were supported or often were objected by the non-Byzantine feudal elements that in various cases came from Albania, Bulgaria, Rasha and Zeta.

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Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

Studia Historica Slovenica ◽

10.32874/shs.2020-11 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽

pp. 359-394

Author(s):

Jurij Perovšek

Keyword(s):

State Government ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Liberal Party ◽

New Era ◽

Party Organisation ◽

Western Border ◽

Historical Phenomenon ◽

First Time ◽

Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

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“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

Ben Jonson Journal ◽

10.3366/bjj.2017.0178 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 24 (1) ◽

pp. 22-45

Author(s):

Akihiko Shimizu

Keyword(s):

Early Modern ◽

Political Discourse ◽

Legal Discourse ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

State Of Emergency ◽

Gunpowder Plot ◽

Effective Use ◽

Legal Procedures ◽

The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

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Untimely Development, Ugly History:A Drama in Muslinand the Rejection of National-Historical Time

Victoriographies ◽

10.3366/vic.2013.0130 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 3 (2) ◽

pp. 161-183

Author(s):

Mary L. Mullen

Keyword(s):

Everyday Life ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Nation State ◽

The Novel ◽

Historical Time ◽

Political Processes ◽

The Core

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.

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Islamic and Jewish Religious Feminists Tackle Islamic and Jewish Oral Law: Maintenance and Rebellion of Wives

Comparative Islamic Studies ◽

10.1558/cis.31497 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 11 (1) ◽

pp. 35-63

Author(s):

Ruth Roded

Keyword(s):

State Policy ◽

Political System ◽

Daily Life ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Jewish Law ◽

Modern Times ◽

Parallel Case ◽

First Time

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

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The present state of Turkey : or, a description of the political, civil, and religious constitution, government, and laws, of the Ottoman Empire, the finances, military and naval establishments, the state of learning, and of the liberal and mechanical arts, the manners and domestic economy of the Turks and other subjects, of the Grand Signor, &c., &c., together with the geographical, political, and civil, state of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, from observations made, during a residence of fifteen years in Constantinople and the Turkish Provinces / by Thomas Thornton, Esq.

10.24157/arc_8783 ◽

1807 ◽

Author(s):

Thomas Thornton

Keyword(s):

Ottoman Empire ◽

Present State ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Domestic Economy ◽

Civil State ◽

Mechanical Arts

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Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability

Tikrit Journal For Political Science ◽

10.25130/poltic.v3i6.56 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 3 (6) ◽

pp. 1

Author(s):

Muhannad Al Janabi Al Janabi

Keyword(s):

Arab Spring ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Prominent Feature ◽

Regional Stability ◽

National Integration ◽

Arab Region ◽

Political Media ◽

The Stability ◽

The Arab Spring

Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.

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Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

Latin American Report ◽

10.25159/2663-6581/3925 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 35 ◽

Author(s):

Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Human Agency ◽

The State ◽

Religious Violence ◽

The Political ◽

Islamic State ◽

Religious Ideology ◽

Alternative Perspective ◽

Western Civilisation ◽

Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

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Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne ◽

10.25167/osap.1329 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 14 (3) ◽

pp. 93-99

Author(s):

Игорь А. Исаев

Keyword(s):

Legal History ◽

Direct Action ◽

The State ◽

European Countries ◽

The Political ◽

Political Systems ◽

Basic Principles ◽

Political Form ◽

The Revolution

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.

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