The Political Class and Redistributive Policies

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Corvalan ◽  
Pablo Querubín ◽  
Sergio Vicente

Abstract We study the relationship between the composition of the political class and the size of government. First, we use a citizen-candidate model to show that the extension of suffrage is inconsequential for government spending when stricter eligibility requirements are in place. The removal of eligibility requirements, on the other hand, leads to the election of less wealthy politicians and the enactment of more redistributive policies. We test these predictions empirically using data from the 13 U.S. original states. We find no robust correlation between the extension of the franchise and government spending or the composition of the political class. However, the subsequent elimination of eligibility restrictions is associated with an increase in government spending and the election of state senators with a less elite background.

2011 ◽  
pp. 116-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos

Emerging technology has provided public sector leaders with unprecedented opportunities to redefine the relationship between citizens and the state. Yet, even as leaders embrace the promise and possibilities afforded by digital government, there is little consensus about the political implications of digital government. While some experts expect little impact, others claim that advances in digital government will have significant political implications. This study assesses the political implications of digital government from an international perspective. Using data recently compiled by the United Nations (U.N.), the findings indicate that digital government is likely to produce significant political implications. Specifically, advances in digital government are likely to engender greater citizen support for government as well as higher levels of political participation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-633
Author(s):  
Marko Valenta ◽  
Zan Strabac

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between religiosity and support for democracy in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using data from the last World Values Survey, we examine levels of religiosity among Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, and their support for democracy. The influence of religiosity on support for democracy is also explored. The results indicate that religiosity has a negative influence on support for democracy, and it is particularly true for individuals who do not support the separation of the religious from the political sphere and who exhibit lower support for democracy. The article also examines different levels of religiosity among the three groups, controlling for a wide range of variables. We conclude that there is basically no difference in support for democracy between Croats and Bosniaks, while Serbs exhibit somewhat lesser support for democracy than members of the other two ethnic groups. Serbs also seem to be somewhat less religious than Bosniaks and Croats. Opposition to separation of the religious from the political sphere is a major source of lack of support for democracy among Croats and Bosniaks, but not among Serbs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 687-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Effiezal Aswadi Abdul Wahab ◽  
Mohd Faizal Jamaludin ◽  
Dian Agustia ◽  
Iman Harymawan

AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between director networks and earnings quality in Malaysia. Using data on 4,416 individual directors who served on the boards of 745 firms listed on Bursa, Malaysia during 2011, we map the entire network of directors and generate measures to reflect the size and quality of information within the network. We find a negative and significant relationship between the overall connectedness of a director's network and the firm's earnings quality. In addition, we find a negative and significant relationship between the political connectedness of the director's network and earnings quality. Our results are robust for different measures of earnings quality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 149-175
Author(s):  
Jason Wei Jian Ng ◽  
Santha Vaithilingam ◽  
Gary John Rangel

Ethnicity and urbanisation have been the most studied predictors of electoral outcomes in Malaysian general elections. In this study, we examine life satisfaction in the political science literature that can also influence Malaysian electoral outcomes. Using data from the World Values Survey conducted in Malaysia shortly before the General Election in 2013, we leverage on responses to a survey question asking respondents to indicate the political party they would vote for if a national election were held the next day, and empirically investigate the relationship between life satisfaction and voting preferences. We find that respondents with higher levels of life satisfaction will have a higher probability of voting for the ruling party, with the magnitude of this effect relatively comparable to that of the ethnic effect. We also empirically show that this outcome is due to the preference for status quo, defined on two levels, in the Malaysian political scene.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-656
Author(s):  
MORITZ CRUZ ◽  
JOSUE ZAVALETA

ABSTRACT Using data of selected economies of Latin America for the period 1990-2017, this paper aims to provide empirical evidence regarding the effect of disaggregate government spending in the exchange rate. Our results indicate that government investment depreciates the exchange rate whereas government consumption, on the other hand, appreciates it. Both effects are, however, rather small. Our findings support recent literature showing that the relationship among government spending and the exchange rate is ambiguous, challenging the general accepted idea that government spending inevitably appreciates the exchange rate, having thus negative effects on the tradable sector and on growth. Overall, our results allow us to suggest that growth can be stimulated particularly via government investment without detrimental effects on the exchange rate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 597-613
Author(s):  
Ben Ansell ◽  
Asli Cansunar

The enormous growth in house prices in Europe since the 1990s has led to increasing concerns about the affordability of housing for ordinary citizens. This article explores the relationship between housing affordability – house prices relative to incomes – and the demand for redistributive and housing policy, using data drawn from European and British social surveys and an analysis of British elections. It shows that, as unaffordability rises, citizens appear in aggregate to become less supportive of redistribution, interventionist housing policy and left-wing parties. However, this aggregate rise, driven by the predominance of homeowners in most European countries, masks a growing polarization in preferences between renters and owners in less affordable regions.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


Author(s):  
Brynne D. Ovalle ◽  
Rahul Chakraborty

This article has two purposes: (a) to examine the relationship between intercultural power relations and the widespread practice of accent discrimination and (b) to underscore the ramifications of accent discrimination both for the individual and for global society as a whole. First, authors review social theory regarding language and group identity construction, and then go on to integrate more current studies linking accent bias to sociocultural variables. Authors discuss three examples of intercultural accent discrimination in order to illustrate how this link manifests itself in the broader context of international relations (i.e., how accent discrimination is generated in situations of unequal power) and, using a review of current research, assess the consequences of accent discrimination for the individual. Finally, the article highlights the impact that linguistic discrimination is having on linguistic diversity globally, partially using data from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and partially by offering a potential context for interpreting the emergence of practices that seek to reduce or modify speaker accents.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 143-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoming Zheng ◽  
Jun Yang ◽  
Hang-Yue Ngo ◽  
Xiao-Yu Liu ◽  
Wengjuan Jiao

Abstract. Workplace ostracism, conceived as to being ignored or excluded by others, has attracted the attention of researchers in recent years. One essential topic in this area is how to reduce or even eliminate the negative consequences of workplace ostracism. Based on conservation of resources (COR) theory, the current study assesses the relationship between workplace ostracism and its negative outcomes, as well as the moderating role played by psychological capital, using data collected from 256 employees in three companies in the northern part of China. The study yields two important findings: (1) workplace ostracism is positively related to intention to leave and (2) psychological capital moderates the effect of workplace ostracism on affective commitment and intention to leave. This paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for organizations and employees, along with recommendations for future research.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document