Blame It on Sex

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-72
Author(s):  
Jon D. Wisman
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Selection ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
High Status ◽  
Incentive Structure ◽  
Ecological Problems ◽  
Survival And Reproduction

This chapter addresses the ultimate driver of competition—sexual selection, the root biological force generating inequality. Like other animals, humans must solve the ecological problems necessary for survival and reproduction. Everyone exists only because their ancestors were successful in doing just that. They were the most successfully competitive in using the resources available in their environments to survive and reproduce. As humans have culturally evolved, what has enabled humans to stand out in their competition for mates has varied according to the prevailing politically determined social institutions. These institutions set the incentive structure, providing guidance as to what kinds of behavior gain high status. High status is sexually attractive. Over history, the sources of status have varied. Individuals have achieved high status by being the best hunters and gatherers, the best warriors, the most cooperative, the most generous, and, since the rise of the state, the wealthiest and most politically powerful.

Justice as a Personal Virtue and Justice as an Institutional Virtue: Mencius’s Confucian Virtue Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Yong Huang
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Virtue Ethics ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Affirmative Answer ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Character Traits ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Moral Principles ◽  
The Government

AbstractIt has been widely observed that virtue ethics, regarded as an ethics of the ancient, in contrast to deontology and consequentialism, seen as an ethics of the modern (Larmore 1996: 19–23), is experiencing an impressive revival and is becoming a strong rival to utilitarianism and deontology in the English-speaking world in the last a few decades. Despite this, it has been perceived as having an obvious weakness in comparison with its two major rivals. While both utilitarianism and deontology can at the same time serve as an ethical theory, providing guidance for individual persons and a political philosophy, offering ways to structure social institutions, virtue ethics, as it is concerned with character traits of individual persons, seems to be ill-equipped to be politically useful. In recent years, some attempts have been made to develop the so-called virtue politics, but most of them, including my own (see Huang 2014: Chapter 5), are limited to arguing for the perfectionist view that the state has the obligation to do things to help its members develop their virtues, and so the focus is still on the character traits of individual persons. However important those attempts are, such a notion of virtue politics is clearly too narrow, unless one thinks that the only job the state is supposed to do is to cultivate its people’s virtues. Yet obviously the government has many other jobs to do such as making laws and social policies, many if not most of which are not for the purpose of making people virtuous. The question is then in what sense such laws and social policies are moral in general and just in particular. Utilitarianism and deontology have their ready answers in the light of utility or moral principles respectively. Can virtue ethics provide its own answer? This paper attempts to argue for an affirmative answer to this question from the Confucian point of view, as represented by Mencius. It does so with a focus on the virtue of justice, as it is a central concept in both virtue ethics and political philosophy.

Devbans, Caste, Gender and the State:Political Ecology of a Sacred Grove of Himachal Pradesh

2021 ◽  
pp. 239448112110203
Author(s):  
Supriya Rani ◽  
Neera Agnimitra
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Himachal Pradesh ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Sacred Grove ◽  
Probability Of Survival ◽  
The Social

Devbans are the parts of forest territory that have been traditionally conserved in reverence to the local deities in various parts of Himachal Pradesh. Today, they stand at the intersection of tradition and modernity. This paper endeavours to study the political ecology of a Devban in the contemporary times by looking at the power dynamics between various stakeholders with respect to their relative decision making power in the realm of managing the Devban of Parashar Rishi Devta. It further looks at howcertain political and administrative factors can contribute towards the growth or even decline of any Devban. The study argues that in the contemporary times when the capitalist doctrines have infiltrated every sphere of the social institutions including the religion, Devbans have a greater probability of survival when both the state and the community have shared conservatory idealsand powers to preserve them.

Social Networks, Their Basic Factors, as Well as Their Role in Society and the State in the Context of Digital Transformation

2020 ◽  
Vol 144 ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Rem V. Ryzhov ◽  
◽  
Vladimir A. Ryzhov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Life Support ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Organizational Models ◽  
Control Center ◽  
The Social ◽  
Single Strategy

Society is historically associated with the state, which plays the role of an institution of power and government. The main task of the state is life support, survival, development of society and the sovereignty of the country. The main mechanism that the state uses to implement these functions is natural social networks. They permeate every cell of society, all elements of the country and its territory. However, they can have a control center, or act on the principle of self-organization (network centrism). The web is a universal natural technology with a category status in science. The work describes five basic factors of any social network, in particular the state, as well as what distinguishes the social network from other organizational models of society. Social networks of the state rely on communication, transport and other networks of the country, being a mechanism for the implementation of a single strategy and plan. However, the emergence of other strong network centers of competition for state power inevitably leads to problems — social conflicts and even catastrophes in society due to the destruction of existing social institutions. The paper identifies the main pitfalls using alternative social networks that destroy the foundations of the state and other social institutions, which leads to the loss of sovereignty, and even to the complete collapse of the country.

MODERN PROBLEMS OF FORMING THE DISCOURSE IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF SOCIAL SECURITY

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (10) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
S. Kononov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Philosophical Discussion ◽  
Protection Measures ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social

The article is devoted to the analysis of the problems of a social security modern discourse formation in the framework of a philosophical discussion of the transformation processes of the formation vector of the state security policy. The task of the article, according to the author, is to present the problem of security in conditions when it ceases to be understood, as a concept associated with the idea of preserving the integrity of a state or nation, and functions as a phenomenon with the broadest possible social parameters. Using the methodology of phenomenological, hermeneutic and comparative analysis, the new areas of security research, common difference of which is social and personal orientation are analyzed. The author pays attention to the features of the methodology of works reflecting the point of view of the modern state, works related to the development of a systematic approach to security, works based on an axiological approach and concludes that, despite the expansion of security interpretations, all these approaches retain a common ideological foundation. presupposing the need to preserve the leading role of the state in the field of social security, including the security of the individual and society and the state. All these approaches are based on the policy of responding to emerging threats to the Russian state and do not reflect the needs of a comprehensive strategic goal-setting covering the sphere of socio-economic development of the social system. This circumstance, according to the author, leads to the formation of a security strategy that exists only in the name of protecting the state and does not imply feedback between the state and the social institutions that the state is going to protect, which leads to the ineffectiveness of modern protection measures and the need to find new ways to justify the need for this protection, a new definition of its content and essence

Sexual Ontology and Group Marriage

Philosophy ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 58 (224) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. L. Clark
Keyword(s):  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Unmarried Mother ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One

Philosophers of earlier ages have usually spent time in considering thenature of marital, and in general familial, duty. Paley devotes an entire book to those ‘relative duties which result from the constitution of the sexes’,1 a book notable on the one hand for its humanity and on the other for Paley‘s strange refusal to acknowledge that the evils for which he condemns any breach of pure monogamy are in large part the result of the fact that such breaches are generally condemned. In a society where an unmarried mother is ruined no decent male should put a woman in such danger: but why precisely should social feeling be so severe? Marriage, the monogamist would say, must be defended at all costs, for it is a centrally important institution of our society. Political community was, in the past, understood as emerging from or imposed upon families, or similar associations. The struggle to establish the state was a struggle against families, clans and clubs; the state, once established, rested upon the social institutions to which it gave legal backing.

scholarly journals Transformation of the Image Status of the Penal System in the Context of the Cyclical Political Genesis of Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Roman A. Romashov ◽  
Vladislav Yu. Panchenko ◽  
Ilyas A. Ermolaev ◽  
Larisa A. Petruchak
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Prison Population ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Prison System ◽  
The State ◽  
Penal System ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Prison Systems ◽  
The One

Introduction: being a structural and functional element of the state mechanism (a kind of “state within the state”), the prison system is transforming along with it. Accordingly, the image status of the prison itself and representatives of “prison authorities” and “prison population” is also changing. We bring to the fore the problem of understanding the term “system” in the context of the image status of the social system in general and the penal system in particular. We highlight the formation of semantic images and image statuses on the example of three social institutions (school, army, prison), which are similar in terms of parametric characteristics and functioning and qualitatively different in image status. The article comprehensively examines the bipolar image of the penal system: on the one hand, prison is inextricably linked with human misfortune, an evil that cannot be treated positively; on the other hand, as an instrument of state law enforcement policy, the prison guarantees the inevitability of punishment for a crime, ensuring the execution of punishment, protecting law-abiding citizens, which is a good thing for society and the state. Research materials and methods: the features of formation and functioning of the image status of the Russian penal (“prison”) system are considered in the context of the concept of cyclic political genesis. In accordance with this concept, in relation to the history of the unified Russian state, three cycles should be distinguished (imperial, Soviet, post-Soviet). Within the framework of each, Russia was represented by qualitatively different forms of state government, economic order, social structure, etc. At the same time, in such “different” Russian states, there were different models of prison systems, the formation and functioning of which, as well as the transformation of the image status, was carried out under the influence of state prison policy and under the influence of public consciousness (national mentality). Results: the current state of the Russian penal system can be described as transitional. Along with the legacy of the “Soviet past”, we observe serious changes proceeding from democratization and humanization of the political and legal system of the Russian Federation. Transformation of the image of the penal system is aimed at increasing the level of openness and forming a positive opinion about the functioning of the penitentiary system (the Concept for development until 2030). It is important that in the public consciousness the image of the penal system as a predominantly punitive prison system gradually be replaced by the idea of it as a penitentiary system, which is concerned primarily with “revival of the essence of humanity” in a person through awareness and repentance. As for the image status of employees of the penal system, the state can optimize it first of all by equalizing their official status with that of military personnel and special services employees, who, like representatives of the prison system, serve the Russian state, but are in a privileged position in relation to them. Increasing the prestige of the service in the penal system in the eyes of actual or potential employees implies the rejection of such differentiation.

The Final Stage of the Minority Revolution in the United States. Upward Mobility of Minorities to the Corridors of Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-1) ◽  
pp. 62-91
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Government

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.

Institutional Erosion of Science and Education: Postmodern Grimaces

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-1) ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Radiy Ibragimov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Science ◽  
Science And Education ◽  
Social Project ◽  
University Science ◽  
Institutional Boundaries ◽  
Social Act

The article is a reaction to the article written by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov ‘Carnival Time: Russian Higher School and Science in the Postmodern Era’. The author agrees with the analytical diagnosis of the state and situation in the Russian science and higher education, shares the concern expressed by colleagues about the fate of the most important social institutions for our civilization. The author proposes a number of considerations that develop the topics raised in the reference article. The author draws attention to the historical inversion of the positivist social project, which appears to be at the forefront of the emerging social architecture of a new scientific-technocratic elite; another thing is that its social configuration does not coincide with institutional boundaries of academic and University science. The author speculates upon the analogy of science with prostitution, which is currently undergoing a noticeable institutionalization. The author considers its phasing to be universal. It is suggested that prostitution can be extrapolated to other social institutions, including science and education. The potential of their resistance and survival is determined by how effectively passionarity accumulates in the structure of these social institutions. This indicator is directly proportional to the efficiency of the formation of human capital in the system. According to the author, problems, voiced by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov, are explained by the passion drift, the overcoming of which is not an automatic macro-social act, but the craft of each scientific and pedagogical worker.

Associational Freedom

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Kimberley Brownlee
Keyword(s):  
Social Institutions ◽  
Social Resources ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Standing ◽  
Freedom Of Association

The ethics of sociability shows that many liberal beliefs about associational freedom are untenable. Importantly, our moral permission to associate or dissociate does not always hinge on consent or burdensomeness. Moreover, our permission to dissociate is limited even when the state takes up its responsibility to administer well-functioning social institutions, because social resources are special: they are not only fundamentally important, but also necessarily rest within individual people. Furthermore, although we have a claim-right against interference with many of our poor associational choices, our freedom of association is nonetheless content-sensitive and process-sensitive. This chapter examines several kinds of voluntary and non-voluntary relationships of dubious moral standing that are not protected by freedom of association. The chapter notes that our freedom to dissociate is indeed content-insensitive, but it too can be overridden by the duty to associate.

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