An Incongruous Coalition

2021 ◽  
pp. 313-352
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil

This chapter illustrates the unusual allies of the Congress who made authoritarian rule possible. These include the political partners of the Congress like the Communist Party of India, the Republican Party of India and the Shiv Sena, all of which have completely different ideologies. The regime was also aided by some sections of the media, the business community, the bourgeoisie and the trade unions. Industrialists were the biggest beneficiaries of the regime’s policies and, therefore, supported it in return. The bureaucracy which suffered from a colonial hangover was primed for survival and thus adapted to the circumstances. The chapter also analyses the intersection between the interests of the elites and the Emergency. It examines the resilience of long-standing social and cultural values and attitudes, including a deep-rooted sense of hierarchy and respect for authority.

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Apar Kumar Lamsal

From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882 Researcher 1(2) 2013: 11-22


Author(s):  
A. Arzymatova

1991year entered world history as the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of new independent states on its wreckage. In August 31, 1991, Kyrgyzstan adopted the Declaration on State independence. The transition to democratization began in difficult condition. The political, economic, social crisis set the stage for new reforms in the country. Changes in the political system of society were enshrined in the adopted first Constitution of 1993. The principle of separation of powers was enshrined: legislative, executive and judicial bodies were defined as independent branches of government. The political life of society depends on the type of political regime, public opinion, the influence of ideology and religion, as well as the decency of the media. Constitutional, political and economic reforms in Kyrgyzstan upset the balance government. The instability of democratic institutions and the establishment of authoritarian rule led to the March events of 2005. 


Author(s):  
Jonathan Davis ◽  
Rohan McWilliam

In 1980, notwithstanding the defeat of the Labour government the year before, the political left in its various forms remained a major presence in British life. Local government, the media, trade unions, pressure groups, the arts and academia: all were often dominated by left-of-centre voices that created networks of opposition to the recently elected Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. Since the reforming Labour government of 1945, the liberal left had some reason to believe that it had shaped the orthodoxies of modern Britain with the welfare state, Keynesian economic policy and the liberal reforms that abolished censorship and challenged gender and racial discrimination. It was still possible, in 1980, for some to believe that a socialist future beckoned....


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 298-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Heinz Roth

Seven years ago, Adam Tooze’s comprehensive study of the Nazi economy found a vast and predominantly favourable resonance in the media and the historiographical community of the anglophone and German-speaking worlds. There are indeed many merits to Tooze’s study that deserve to be emphasised. But there are also some astonishing deficiencies and shortcomings. The gravest is Tooze’s failure to offer any argument whatsoever regarding the widening rift between the corporate business community and the cadres of the political-military institutions. The growing distance between the two precedes the terminal stage of the Nazi dictatorship, which began in the last quarter of 1943. If Tooze had addressed the well-established facts on this issue, he would likely not have been able to conclude on such an affirmative note and insist on the transatlantic happy end that supposedly put paid to the German elites’ adventures between 1931 and 1948.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Simpson

The history of the industrial relations systcm in New Zealand is the history of dynamic tension between trade unions and employers. That in itself is an unexceptionable statement: it is true of any industrial relations system. It is the source and nature of that dynanmic tension which characterises a particular system. In this country that source and nature is often seriously misunderstood. It is depicted by the media (for the obvious reasons associated with their position within the nexus of relationships which make up the dominant consciousness) and by most academic historians (largely implicitly as an inarticulate major premise) as an offensive attempt on the part of the unions to elbow their way into an inappropriate control role within the political and industrial culture and as a defensive response on the part of employer organisations and successive governments to prevent this. The source of this depiction and the reasons for its persistence are interesting but rather outside lhe scope of this paper although they deserve to be canvassed at some point. Just now I want to suggest an alternative model which I believe to be much more sustainable on the facts.


Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil

In June 1975 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency, resulting in a twenty-one-month suspension of democracy. Jaffrelot and Anil revisit the Emergency to re-evaluate characterisations of India as the ‘world’s largest democracy.’ They explore India’s first experiment with authoritarianism, which resulted in a constitutional dictatorship with an unequal impact across states. The impact was felt more strongly in the capital, its neighbouring states and in the Hindi belt than in states ruled by the opposition—the North East and South India. This was largely due to the resilience of federalism and local socio-political factors in these regions. India’s First Dictatorship focuses on Mrs Gandhi and her son, Sanjay, who was largely responsible for the mass sterilization programs and deportation of urban slum-dwellers. However, it equally exposes the facilitation of authoritarian rule by Congressmen, Communists, trade unions, businessmen and the urban middle class, as well as the complacency of the judiciary and media. While opposition leaders eventually ended up in jail, many of them—especially in the RSS—tried to collaborate with the new regime. Those who resisted the Emergency, in the media or on the streets, were far and few between. The Emergency accentuated India’s political culture, which is reflected in the current zeitgeist, as the illiberal aspects of Indian democracy yet again resurface with the rise of Hindu nationalist authoritarian populism. This episode was neither a parenthesis nor a turning point, but a style of rule that is very much alive today.


2011 ◽  
pp. 19-33
Author(s):  
A. Oleinik

The article deals with the issues of political and economic power as well as their constellation on the market. The theory of public choice and the theory of public contract are confronted with an approach centered on the power triad. If structured in the power triad, interactions among states representatives, businesses with structural advantages and businesses without structural advantages allow capturing administrative rents. The political power of the ruling elites coexists with economic power of certain members of the business community. The situation in the oil and gas industry, the retail trade and the road construction and operation industry in Russia illustrates key moments in the proposed analysis.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Dr. Neha Sharma

Language being a potent vehicle of transmitting cultural values, norms and beliefs remains a central factor in determining the status of any nation. India is a multilingual country which tends to encourage people to use English at national and international level. Basically English in India owes its presence to the British but its subsequent rise is not fully attributable to the British. It has now become the language of wider communication which is now spoken by large number of people all over the world. It is influenced by many factors such as class, society, developments in science and technology etc. However the major influence on English language is and has been the media.


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