Resurgence

Glaciers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Daniel Taillant

In the days following the president’s veto of the glacier protection law on November 11, 2008, the executive power was again in political turmoil. Congress was in an uproar with the veto in part because the congressional majority held by the administration during the earlier months of the presidency was fledgling, and President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner was slowly losing her political capital to an increasingly empowered opposition, one eager to bring controversial issues to the forefront of the political arena to further weaken her presidency. The glacier law, and specifically the Barrick Veto, played well into this objective. Following the veto, the Natural Resource Commission of the Lower House of Congress convened a public meeting for November 18 to discuss how to respond to the veto. Only seven of the thirty-one members of the commission (mostly opposition members) showed, shy of the minimum quorum necessary to take official action. The meeting was held anyway. Several environmental organizations were invited. Marta Maffei, the original author of the glacier law, contributed to the discussion, as did Ricardo Villalba, the director of the Argentine Institute for Snow Research, Glaciology and Environmental Sciences (IANIGLA). Villalba made unusually strong public statements in defense of the glacier law, indicating that the scientific community was “shocked and saddened” by the president’s decision to veto it. Despite not having a quorum, the commission set out an action plan to bring back the law. They were aware of the official party’s intention to develop a new version, one that would appease the mining sector. Clearly, it would be a utilitarian version similar to what had been proposed in Chile. However, those present that day insisted that the same law, just as it had been passed, should be resubmitted, using the exact same text. In the meantime, the president’s office was deliberating on what to do about the fallout. Cristina Fernandez vetoed the glacier protection law because it was incompatible with Barrick Gold’s flagship project, Pascua Lama, valued by conservative estimates of the time at upward of US$20 billion.

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


2021 ◽  

This image depicts a public meeting of more than 100,000 people at Copenhagen Fields, Islington, called by the London Corresponding Society on 12 November 1795. The figure on the right, brandishing a clenched fist, is John Thelwall, the political reformer, who had been imprisoned in the Tower of London for treason the previous year.


Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-455
Author(s):  
Els Witte

In this article we conclude, via a comparison of the 19th C. scientific publications concerning the Belgian parliament and the state of parliamentological research of the day, that Belgian writers achieved an international standard. In Belgium, as elsewhere in Europe, parliamentology was pursued from the standpoint of various complementary schools of thought. Modern political history provided very detailed information about the functioning of the parliamentary institution; constitutional law investigated the juridical aspects of it ; political science transcended these juridical boundaries and took account of the political aspects as well ; this method was also pursued in the field of political economy which, from a methodological point of view, can be regarded as the fundamental current of parliamentary sociology .It can be asserted that these writers are the founders of modern parliamentology despite the rather weak methodological foundation of their studies, the relative lack of empirical data-collection and the infiuenceof political commitment. As is still the case today, so also in the 19th C, the formal-juridical approach was dominant ; however, it was also insight-fully recognized that the most important problems of power lay in the mutual relations of the members of parliament themselves and in their relation to the majority, the opposition and the executive power. These studies furnish, therefore, very interesting lines of inquiry for the diachronic treatment of the majority of the problems of contemporary parliamentology.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nour Halabi

Throughout the Syrian crisis, the presence of material and symbolic boundaries to culture became a particularly salient element of the continuously unfolding political turmoil. As one terrorist group, Daesh, or the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, seeks to unite the vast area of the Middle East under the political, religious, and cultural administration of a “Greater State of Syria,” or “al-Sham,” this article revisits the historical spatial organization of Damascus and the construction of city boundaries and walls as factors that contributed to the cultivation of spatially grounded cleavages within Syrian and Damascene identity. In the latter section of this article, I reflect on the impact of these cleavages on the Syrian crisis by focusing on the public response to the siege of the Mouaddamiyya neighborhood.


Author(s):  
Xiuli Han ◽  
Zhiyi Liu ◽  
Lingzi Liu

The case of Various Raw Materials has been settled. However, some issues in this case are still popular topics among Chinese scholars. The most controversial issues are whether China is entitled to invoke Article XX of the GATT 1994 to defend its export restrictions and whether China demonstrated its measures consistent with Article XX (b) and (g) of the GATT 1994. This paper points out that the Article XX of GATT 1994 in its essence is extremely difficult to be invoked successfully. What makes it even more difficult is ‘stereotype’ to China’s ‘exceptional circumstances’. In view of ineffectiveness of the necessity defence, changing economic management pattern to achieve sustainable development is the fundamental way to solve the problem of Chinese environmental protection as related to exploitation of natural resource.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zaruba

The article deals with the theoretical foundations of leadership, Ukrainian historical traditions and contemporary state of practical use and teaching of leadership in military educational institu-tions with the aim to form pro-active officer cadre, with further employment in bodies of executive power and participation in the political system of the state. Key words: top military brass, high brass, transaction leadership, transforma-tional leadership, critical approach, reforms in the defense and security sector.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (01) ◽  
pp. 237-238
Author(s):  
David Laitin ◽  
Gary King

With assistance of the APSA, the political science members of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) held their standing meeting at the annual APSA convention in Chicago. The purposes of these meetings are two-fold: First, as required, to discuss ways that political science can fulfill the NAS mission in providing scientific evidence to address consequential public issues that come from queries posed by various agencies of government; and second, to increase the presence of political scientists in the Academy, where membership from our discipline is, in our view, much lower than political scientists' contributions to the scientific community, and does not adequately recognize the many political scientists who merit election. While we have made some progress toward this second goal, it is a complicated battle: 2,179 members and 437 foreign associates across scientific disciplines have been elected to and currently serve in the NAS, but only 21 are political scientists. Although the science-based mission of NAS does not seek to represent all of the highly pluralistic discipline of political science, far more research relying on methods that are recognized in the natural sciences is produced in our field than is presently represented in the NAS.


Author(s):  
Catherine Poupeney Hart

Gaceta de Guatemala is the name of a newspaper spanning four series and published in Central America before the region’s independence from Spain. As one of the first newspapers to appear in Spanish America on a periodical basis, the initial series (1729–1731) was inspired by its Mexican counterpart (Gaceta de México) and thus it adopted a strong local and chronological focus. The title resurfaced at the end of the 18th century thanks to the printer and bookseller Ignacio Beteta who would assure its continuity until 1816. The paper appeared as a mainly news-oriented publication (1793–1796), only to be reshaped and energized by a small group of enlightened men close to the university and the local government (1797–1807). In an effort to galvanize society along the lines of the reforms promoted by the Bourbon regime, and to engage in a dialogue with readers beyond the borders of the capital city of Guatemala, they relied on a vast array of sources (authorized and censored) and on a journalistic model associated with the British Spectator: it allowed them to explore different genres and a wide variety of topics, while also allowing the paper to fulfill its role as an official and practical news channel. The closure of the Economic Society which had been the initial motor for the third series, and the failure to attract or retain strong contributors led slowly to the journal’s social irrelevance. It was resurrected a year after ceasing publication, to address the political turmoil caused by the Napoleonic invasion of the Peninsula and to curb this event’s repercussions overseas. These circumstances warranted a mainly news-oriented format, which prevailed in the following years. The official character of the paper was confirmed in 1812 when it appeared as the Gaceta del Gobierno de Guatemala, a name with which it finally ended publication (1808–1816).


Author(s):  
Gordon Lafer

This concluding chapter examines the political dynamics that pit growing populist sentiment against increasing corporate dominance, particularly at the state level. It explains what the corporate agenda is not, arguing that the same corporate lobbies that are leading the charge against public employee unions are also at the forefront of the campaign against issues such as minimum wage, entitlements to overtime or sick leave, and occupational safety. It discusses the pattern of business-backed legislation, highlighting the many contradictions in the corporate agenda. It also considers how the success of the corporate lobbies has contributed to economic decline and political turmoil. Finally, it assesses public opinion against the business elites' platform as well as corporate lobbies' efforts to protect their privilege by attempting to shrink the scope of democracy; for example, by supporting preemption statutes.


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