FEMINIST MOVEMENT IN PAKISTAN. YESTERDAY, TODAY, TOMORROW

Author(s):  
Marina V. Bakanova ◽  

Despite the fact that Pakistan is considered a traditionally conservative Muslim country, it is also characterized by a feminist movement. Women’s activity in the political, economic and other spheres of society began in the period of British India and continued in an independent country. Prominent political figures took part in the struggle for women’s rights, and feminist organizations were created. At the same time, feminism of that period can be viewed as an elite phenomenon, accessible only to the upper class of society. During the Afghan War, feminist organizations entered into sharp confrontation with the government. In the 21st century, the activation of Pakistani feminists has reached its maximum and continues to increase, but with certain difficulties. Currently, the country is represented by classical European feminism (which is subject to decomposition to a certain extent), the Nisaism movement (they seek the rights for women in accordance with Islam) and individual activists. Potentially feminism in Pakistan has great chances for the development and elimination of the chauvinist norms of the country’s civil and criminal law, what will certainly give an impetus to new phenomena in the development of the future Pakistani society.

Author(s):  
Mohd. Shuhaimi Ishak

 Abstract Generally speaking, media is extensively used as the means to disseminate news and information pertaining to business, social, political and religious concerns. A portion of the time and space of media has now become an important device to generate economic and social activities that include advertising, marketing, recreation and entertainment. The Government regards them as an essential form of relaying news and information to its citizens and at the same time utilizes them as a powerful public relations’ mechanism. The effects of media are many and diverse, which can either be short or long term depending on the news and information. The effects of media can be found on various fronts, ranging from the political, economic and social, to even religious spheres. Some of the negative effects arising from the media are cultural and social influences, crimes and violence, sexual obscenities and pornography as well as liberalistic and extreme ideologies. This paper sheds light on these issues and draws principles from Islam to overcome them. Islam as revealed to humanity contains the necessary guidelines to nurture and mould the personality of individuals and shape them into good servants. Key Words: Media, Negative Effects, Means, Islam and Principles. Abstrak Secara umum, media secara meluas digunakan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan berita dan maklumat yang berkaitan dengan perniagaan, kemasyarakatan, pertimbangan politik dan agama. Sebahagian dari ruang dan masa media kini telah menjadi peranti penting untuk menghasilkan kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial yang meliputi pengiklanan, pemasaran, rekreasi dan hiburan. Kerajaan menganggap sarana-sarana ini sebagai wadah penting untuk menyampaikan berita dan maklumat kepada warganya dan pada masa yang sama juga menggunakannya sebagai mekanisme perhubungan awam yang berpengaruh. Pengaruh media sangat banyak dan pelbagai, samada berbentuk jangka pendek atau panjang bergantung kepada berita dan maklumat yang brekenaan. Kesan dari media boleh didapati mempengaruhi pelbagai aspek, bermula dari bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial bahkan juga agama. Beberapa kesan negatif yang timbul dari media ialah pengaruhnya terhadap budaya dan sosial, jenayah dan keganasan, kelucahan seksual dan pornografi serta ideologi yang liberal dan ekstrim. Kertas ini menyoroti isu-isu ini dan cuba mengambil prinsip-prinsip dari ajaran Islam untuk mengatasinya. Tujuan Islam itu sendiri diturunkan kepada umat manusia ialah untuk menjadi pedoman yang diperlukan untuk membina dan membentuk keperibadian individu dan menjadikan manusia hamba yang taat kepada Tuhannya. Kata Kunci: Media, Kesan Negatif, Cara-cara, Islam dan Prinsip-prinsip.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
Amanda Eubanks Winkler

AbstractThis article analyses the complicated and conflicted critical response to Andrew Lloyd Webber’sThe Phantom of the Operawithin the political, economic and cultural context of the Thatcher/Reagan era. British critics writing for Conservative-leaning broadsheets and tabloids took nationalist pride in Lloyd Webber’s commercial success, while others on both sides of the Atlantic claimed thatPhantomwas tasteless and crassly commercial, a musical manifestation of a new Gilded Age. Broader issues regarding the relationship between the government and ‘elite’ culture also affected the critical response. For some,Phantomforged a path for a new kind of populist opera that could survive and thrive without government subsidy, while less sympathetic critics heardPhantom’s ‘puerile’ operatics as sophomoric jibes against an art form they esteemed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1271-1298
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska

This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and “normalized” political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a “social movement society.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 258
Author(s):  
Ira Permata Sari

<p>Intervention of market forces, such as Indomaret retail business, becomes a mainstream and given space as a major force by the government in development in Indonesia. In practice, various government policies places intervention of market forces as driving actors for the political, economic, social, and cultural transformation. Using the case of Indomaret's rejection in Arjowilangun Village, Malang Regency in 2015 and using qualitative research study, this paper explains how villagers do not give space for market in the village development process. From this study, intervention of market forces that had been the mainstream of government policy in development is not placed by villagers as the only force able to carry out development in the village. This situation is due to the collision between market forces that come from outside with the economic power of the villagers that not only change the economy, society, and culture of the village, but also influence the political transformation of the village. Thus, when market forces tried to intervene village development, they have to face the major force of the village that have been built slowly since the village experienced economic slump in the 1970s. <br /><br /></p>


Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

The British evolved an elaborate administrative structure to ensure peace and order for exploiting the material and human resources of the Punjab. The new means of communication and transportation based on western technology served their economic, political, and administrative purposes. A new system of education was introduced chiefly to produce personnel for the middle and lower rungs of administration. The Christian missionaries were closely aligned with the administrators in this project, primarily for gaining converts to Christianity. The socio-economic change brought about by the colonial rule led to a number of movements for socio-religious reform, followed by a new kind of political awakening in the Punjab as in the rest of British India. The political aspirations of Indians were met only partially by the Government of India Act, 1919.


Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Lambert

In the midst of the strategic review discussed in chapter 5, Arthur Balfour, one of the War Lords, pointed out that selection of strategy should be governed by economic resources and expected duration of the war. Agreeing with him, many officials in the civilian departments of government urged Asquith to pay closer attention to the worstening economic problems, and he began to do so. Civilian officials worried especially over rising wheat prices and the prospect of social unrest. In an effort to solve the problem, the government began to manipulate global market prices through secret trading in the futures market, combined with the management of market intelligence concerning wheat harvests within the British Empire. Closer scrutiny of wheat prices in the third week of January revealed that the problem was both more complex and far worse than the government initially realized. A quintupling of wheat prices seemed imminent.


1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 351-356
Author(s):  
Peter Lange

The Mitterrand-Socialist experiment in government is in danger of a historical failure. After almost four years in power, things have not only failed to go as the Socialists (and for a time, their Communist partners) would have liked, but have gone decidedly badly. Few of the government’s political economic goals have been attained or seem likely to be in the near future; and the political economic failures have increasingly obscured the successful policy initiatives in other areas. Furthermore, to the extent that the government has had successes in the political economic arena, they have not been those anticipated by its core social base and ideological confrères. Nationalizations and advances in social welfare have been overwhelmed by balance-of-payments crises, high rates of inflation, and perhaps most damaging of all, high and growing rates of unemployment, much of it structural. Expansionary and egalitarian policies have given way to the “politics of rigueur” or, more pejoratively, Barrisme de gauche (Kesselman’s conclusion, p. 320).


1980 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Southard

The nationalist rhetoric of Aurobindo Ghosh and other leaders of the political movement protesting the decision of the Government of British India to partition Bengal province in 1905 contained frequent allusions to Hindu myths and symbols. Militant political leaders primarily drew upon Śakta symbolism, especially the imagery of the Hindu cult of Kālī worship, and they adopted philosophical justifications of nationalism which were based on modernist, Neo-Hindu interpretation of Śaṁkara's Vedānta philosophy. The nation was described as an incarnation of the goddess Kālī, and nationalists were considered her devotees.


1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy M. MacLeod

In recent years there has been a continuing effort to place the history of scientific activity in Europe firmly in the political, economic and social contexts in which ideas and institutions have developed. Hitherto, however, comparatively little attention has been paid to the development of scientific institutions in the European colonial empires, or to the role of scientific activity in the commercial exploitation, civil government, or political development of individual countries.


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