scholarly journals Nasionalisasi Garuda Indonesia, 1950—1958

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Dwi Adi Wicaksono

This article discusses the efforts of the decolonization of civil aviation by the Government of Indonesia from 1950 to 1958 through the nationalization of Garuda Indonesia joint venture airlines. The discussion of this article focuses on the explanation of the process of nationalization and its impact on the developmentof the airline. During this period, the nationalization efforts against Garuda Indonesia Airlines tended to be heavily influenced by the political policies of the two ruling Cabinet, that is Masyumi and PNI. This shows a great political tendency to the nationalization agenda of the civil aviation company. The nationalization ofGaruda Indonesia tends to exhibit a complex set of processes, because in addition to the transfer of government share ownership, the takeover of this company also requires a long process to get the human resources ready to operate the airline as a whole. At this stage, Indonesianization is of the utmost importance in the nationalization process of Garuda Indonesia.

Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

The British evolved an elaborate administrative structure to ensure peace and order for exploiting the material and human resources of the Punjab. The new means of communication and transportation based on western technology served their economic, political, and administrative purposes. A new system of education was introduced chiefly to produce personnel for the middle and lower rungs of administration. The Christian missionaries were closely aligned with the administrators in this project, primarily for gaining converts to Christianity. The socio-economic change brought about by the colonial rule led to a number of movements for socio-religious reform, followed by a new kind of political awakening in the Punjab as in the rest of British India. The political aspirations of Indians were met only partially by the Government of India Act, 1919.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Basri Effendi ◽  
Sufyan Sufyan

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis capaian program legislasi daerah dari aspek politik hukum. Program tersebut dilaksanakan setiap tahun lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif sebagai bentuk legal policy dalam menyusun suatu program, yang mana setiap program tersebut membutuhkan landasan hukum yang konstitusional. Hal ini juga menjadi salah satu indikator tercapainya good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis empiris dan análisis data kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tingkat keberhasilan pembahasan Program legislasi daerah di Aceh hanya 24,66% per/tahun. Ada pelbagai kendala yang menghambat pelaksanaan program legislasi daerah di Aceh, diantaranya adalah anggaran yang minim, political will yang tidak kuat, terbatasnya sumber daya manusia dengan waktu yang tersedia, serta tidak realistisnya antara jumlah qanun usulan Prolegda dengan kemampuan penyelesaian. Pemerintah dan DPR harus lebih realistis dalam menetapkan jumlah target legislasi daerah tiap tahun.  Achievement of Aceh Legislation Programs This study aims to analyze the achievements of the regional legislative program from the political law aspects. The program is carried out annually by the executive and legislative bodies as a form of legal policy in developing a program where each of which requires a constitutional legal basis. This is also one indicator of the achievement of good governance in the administration of regional government. Using empirical juridical research methods and qualitative data analysis, this study found that the success rate of discussion of the regional legislative program in Aceh was only 24.66% per year. There are various obstacles that hamper the implementation of the regional legislation program in Aceh, including a minimal budget, insufficient political will, limited human resources and time, and an unrealistic number of Prolegda's proposed qanuns and the ability to resolve the proposal. The government and Parliament should be more realistic in setting the target number of regional legislation each year.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-72
Author(s):  
Aswad Muhdar

Freedom of autonomy in the village there is political space provided by the government through political institutions, political institutions become a channel of communication, in conveying the will and aspirations of the village community in political life. However, political institutions are also limited to those who are considered to have an interest, while in reality political participation is that a large part of the community must take part in the process of political maturation. So the only way to provide understanding and insight for the community in the village is through an understanding of the influence of politics in people's lives. This type of research uses descriptive qualitative methods using data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded: That the analysis of political influence on people's lives in Yeflio village, Mayamuk District, Sorong Regency still needs to increase political influence and socialization of the community about the purpose of holding politics so that the Yeflio village community, Mayamuk District, Sorong Regency can accept their candidates without anarchy. because the other candidates failed in the competition, the need to increase human resources by providing delivery of learning assignments, training and courses. In accordance with what is expected by the community, which has not achieved optimal results because the political influence of human resources is still lacking and needs to be improved again.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris Nasution ◽  
Bayu Satria

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui berbagai kegiatan di Labuhan Deli sebagai pusat pemerintahan Kesultanan Deli dan apa penyebab terjadi perpindahan pusat pemerintahan yang dilakukan Kesultanan Deli. Teknik pengumpulan data  penelitian ini melalui study pustaka, wawancara dan observasi. Dari hasil penelitian proses perpindahan pusat pemerintahan diawali dengan mempersiapkan kawasan baru, secara kewilayahan Labuhan Deli mampu memberikan kontribusi dalam menjalankan pemerintahan baik itu sumber daya alam maupun sumber daya manusia yang ada. Tuanku Panglima Pasutan yang berinisiatif memindahkan pusat pemerintahan pada tahun 1728, penyebab utama perpindahan pusat pemerintahan Kesultanan Deli adalah faktor ekonomi dan faktor politik, hal tersebut dikarenakan pada saat itu keramaian Selat Malaka mampu memberikan keuntungan jika pusat pemerintahan lebih dekat dengan pesisir pantai dan berperan sebagai pintu gerbang tol transportasi yang melalui jalur sungai Deli sedangkan faktor politiknya untuk mempermudah  mengawasi kasawan taklukan Deli, pembangunan sarana pusat pemerintahan, seperti Istana, Masjid, dan Dermaga. This study aims to find out various activities in Labuhan Deli as the central government of Deli Sultanate and what causes the transfer of government center conducted Deli Sultanate. Technique of collecting data of this research through literature study, interview and observation. From the results of the research process of moving the center of government begins by preparing new areas, in the territory Labuhan Deli able to contribute in running the government be it natural resources and human resources available. Tuanku Panglima Pasutan who took the initiative to move the central government in 1728, the main cause of the transfer of the central government of Deli Sultanate is the factor of economic and political factors, it is because at that time the crowds of the Strait of Malacca can provide benefits if the center of government closer to the coast and acts as a door gate of transportation toll through Deli river while the political factor to facilitate overseeing Deli delinquent kasangan, development of central government facilities, such as the Palace, Mosque, and Dock.


2007 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Briskin

Using the micro-data from Human Resources and Social Development Canada (HRSDC) on the 23,944 stoppages in Canada between 1960 and 2004, this article introduces a labour militancy perspective on work stoppages, that is, from the point of view of workers. It explores patterns of militancy with a focus on strike duration, strike size and strikes for first contracts, and supports re-interpretations which help make visible the significance of such stoppages for workers, unions and communities. A labour militancy frame presents an alternative to the employer perspective on time lost, the government concern to measure the economic impact of stoppages, and the scholarly emphasis on strike determinants. As part of re-examining the HRSDC work stoppage data from a labour militancy perspective, the paper considers the source of these data. It juxtaposes the statistical data with interviews with the provincial correspondents who collect the information for HRSDC. Examining the data in this light underscores the political nature of data collection (what is seen to be germane and not), data presentation (what is made visible and what is not), and data sources (whose voices are heard).


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
M. Ihsan Dacholfany ◽  
Eko Susanto ◽  
Andi Noviandi

Educational institutions in Indonesia are expected to produce superior human resources and compete to have insight into science and technology. To achieve this expectation, educational institutions should strive and play a role in optimizing and achieving academic excellence, particularly in education, industry relevance, for new knowledge contribution, and for empowerment. Recognizing the importance of the process of improving the quality of human resources, the government, managers of educational institutions, educators and learners in Indonesia are striving to achieve the goals, vision and mission through various activities to build a better quality education through the development of human resources development and improvement of curriculum and evaluation system, improvement of educational facilities, the development and procurement of teaching materials, and training for teachers and education personnel to be more advanced and developed than other countries.


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