The Operational Codes of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton

Author(s):  
Stephen G. Walker ◽  
Mark Schafer ◽  
Gary Smith

This chapter profiles the bounded rationality of two major candidates for US president in the 2016 presidential election. It identifies their philosophical beliefs regarding (1) the friendly or hostile nature of the political universe, (2) the achievement of fundamental political values, (3) the predictability of the future, (4) control over historical development, and (5) the role of chance in political life. It also examines their instrumental beliefs regarding (1) the optimum strategic approach to political goals, (2) tactical flexibility in carrying out a strategy, (3) calculation and management of risk, (4) role of timing, and (5) utility of various means in taking political action. These beliefs define a leader’s “operational code” regarding the exercise of power by self and others in world politics. The chapter extrapolates from these beliefs some game theory predictions for how Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton as the next US president would exercise power in world politics.

Author(s):  
Elena Nikolaevna Malik

The article reveals the role of the institute of mass media on the processes of forming political consciousness and socio-political guidelines of young citizens in modern Russia. The problems of hygiene of media policy, media literacy and improving the information culture of young people remain relevant and archival, given the new challenges of world politics and the geopolitical situation. The author argues that media education technologies to increase the media literacy of young citizens contribute to the realization of their socio-political subjectivity and initiative in the interests of the state and civil society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (6) ◽  
pp. 611-623
Author(s):  
Kathleen E. Kendall

On July 28, 2016, Mr. Khizr Khan, an American Muslim immigrant, gave a short speech at the Democratic National Convention. Khan’s speech eulogized his soldier son, attacked the Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, and endorsed the Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton. The speech went “viral” within minutes, circulating rapidly on the Internet, evoking an immediate response on social media. Barely 2 days later, Trump attacked the Khan speech, the Khans responded, and the event dominated the news for days. The event and its aftermath “emerged as an unexpected and potentially pivotal flash point in the general election” (Burns, Haberman, & Parket, 2016). Why did this speech have such an effect? Using principles from Aristotle’s concept of the epideictic speech, this study examines (1) the role of surprise in the structure and visual presentation of Khan’s speech, as well as (2) the way in which Khan expressed personal and collective anger. Trump’s postconvention responses magnified the speech effect through heavy media coverage.


2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kawalko Roselli

Abstract This paper explores how gender can operate as a disguise for class in an examination of the self-sacrifice of the Maiden in Euripides' Children of Herakles. In Part I, I discuss the role of human sacrifice in terms of its radical potential to transform society and the role of class struggle in Athens. In Part II, I argue that the representation of women was intimately connected with the social and political life of the polis. In a discussion of iconography, the theater industry and audience I argue that female characters became one of the means by which different groups promoted partisan interests based on class and social status. In Part III, I show how the Maiden solicits the competing interests of the theater audience. After discussing the centrality (as a heroine from an aristocratic family) and marginality (as a woman and associated with other marginal social groups) of the Maiden's character, I draw upon the funeral oration as a comparative model with which to understand the quite different role of self-sacrifice in tragedy. In addition to representing and mystifying the interests of elite, lower class and marginal groups, the play glorifies a subordinate character whose contradictory social status (both subordinate and elite) embodies the social position of other ““marginal”” members of Athenian society. The play stages a model for taking political action to transform the social system and for commemorating the tragic costs of such undertakings.


Author(s):  
LAURA EPHRAIM

Drawing critical resources from Hannah Arendt, this article argues for a revaluation of the appearances of nature in environmental political theory and practice. At a time when pervasive anthropogenic contamination threatens the very survival of vulnerable communities and species, it would be wrong to revive the timeworn mythos of nature as an untrammeled beauty. Instead, with Arendt’s help, I advocate an environmental politics rooted in an alternative aesthetic of nature, one that respects and seeks to protect earth’s diverse lifeforms for the sake of their strange, disquieting appearances of otherness. Earth’s living displays of alterity are valuable, I argue, for their propensity to upset the destructive logic of mass production and consumption and spur political action. In an Arendtian frame, we can better recognize interdependence between biological and political life and appreciate the role of nonhuman lifeforms in constituting spaces of appearance where human freedom and plurality may flourish.


Author(s):  
Joel Penney

Drawing on stories of citizens who voluntarily participate in the viral marketing of electoral candidates, as well as developments from the 2016 Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders campaigns, this chapter explores the complex intersection between traditional top-down electioneering and grassroots political promotion that emerges from popular culture. It considers how a fanlike cultural engagement with modern political brands fosters participatory forms of candidate promotion that extend far beyond a campaign’s official digital media outreach. Here, citizen marketers take on the role of cheerleaders for their political “teams,” seeking to model enthusiasm and rally their like-minded peers. This dynamic is becoming particularly important for outsider and insurgent candidates who depend on groundswells of grassroots momentum on social media and elsewhere to achieve electoral success. However, these practices also risk furthering the dynamics of political polarization and partisanship that threaten to divide the polity into self-enclosed and opposing camps.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Gregory

The limits and secularity of political life have been signature themes of modern Augustinianism, often couched in non-theological language of realism and the role of religion in public life. In dialogue with Gilbert Meilaender, this article inverts and theologizes that interest by asking how Augustinian pilgrims might characterize the positive relation of political history to saving history and the ways in which political action in time might teach us something about the nature of salvation that comes to us from beyond history. This relation of continuity and discontinuity eludes dogmatic formulation, but the goal of the present article is to see where a shared Augustinianism and a shared commitment to aspects of the liberal political tradition might find illuminating disagreement.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neta C. Crawford

Much theorizing about world politics and many policy recommendations are predicated on a rather thin view ofhomo politicus,often assuming that humans are rational and self-interested strategic actors and that force is theultima ratioof politics. This thin notion should be replaced by a richer understanding ofhomo politicusthat includes the characteristic activities of political actors: we fight, we feel, we talk, and we build institutions. This understanding helps illuminate the scope and limits of strategic action, argument and persuasion in world politics in both empirical and normative senses. I describe the spectrum of political action that situates the role of argument and persuasion within the extremes of brute force on one side and mutual communication on the other. I also discuss barriers to argument and communication. Noting the role of argument in this spectrum of international and domestic political practice suggests that it is argument (nearly) all the way down and that the scope of argument can be and in some cases has increased over thelongue durée.Coercion, by itself, has a limited role in world politics. The claim that there are distinctive logics of argumentation, strategic action, or appropriateness misses the point. Argument is the glue of politics—its characteristic practice. Understanding politics as argumentation has radical empirical and normative implications for the study and practice of politics.


ijd-demos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Esty Erviyanti ◽  
Wahyu Kartiko Utami

penelitian ini membahas peran sosial politik Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI, tentara Indonesia) di tingkat desa dengan Bintara Pembina Desa (Babinsa, lembaga bimbingan desa) sebagai pelaksana pedoman wilayah. Lebih khusus, penelitian ini membahas lebih dalam tentang keterlibatan dan peran sosial politik Babinsa Komando Rayon Militer (Koramil, komando wilayah militer) 0113 / Cibaliung di Kabupaten Cibaliung selama 2017-2018. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memahami peran dan pola keterlibatan Babinsa Cibaliung dalam kehidupan sosial politik desa, serta dampaknya terhadap pembangunan desa. Teori besar yang digunakan adalah teori hubungan militer-sipil Samuel P. Huntington dengan fokusnya pada kontrol sipil atas militer, di mana ada dua kategori kontrol sipil, yaitu: kontrol sipil subyektif dan kontrol sipil objektif. Selain itu, teori profesionalisme militer dan teori hegemoni Gramsci juga digunakan sebagai analisis dalam penelitian ini. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kontrol sipil atas hubungan militer-sipil di Kabupaten Pandeglang adalah kontrol sipil yang obyektif yang menekankan keseimbangan antara kekuatan militer dan wewenang pemerintah sipil. Babinsa Cibaliung secara harfiah termasuk dalam jenis militer revolusioner, yang berarti bahwa pengetahuan profesional Babinsa ditujukan pada nilai-nilai sosial dan politik. Babinsa juga berperan dalam penyampaian wacana hegemoni negara di desa-desa. This paper examines the social political role of the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI, Indonesian army) at the village level with the Bintara Pembina Desa (Babinsa, village guidance agency) as the executor of territorial guidance. More specifically, this paper discusses more deeply about the involvement and social political role of Babinsa of Komando Rayon Militer (Koramil, military command of territory) 0113/Cibaliung in Cibaliung District during 2017-2018. The purpose of this research is to know and understand the roles and pattern of involvement of the Cibaliung’s Babinsa in the social political life of village, as well as its impact on village development. The grand theory used is Samuel P. Huntington’s military-civil relations theory with its focus on civilian control over military, where there are two categories of civilian control, namely: subjective civilian control and objective civilian control. In addition, the theory of military professionalism and the theory of Gramsci’s hegemony were also used as analysis blades in this research. The research method used is a qualitative research method with a phenomenological approach. The results of the research indicate that civilian control of military- civil relations in Cibaliung District is an objective civilian control that emphasizes the balance between military power and the authority of the civilian government. Babinsa of Cibaliung is literally included in the revolutionary military type, which means that Babinsa’s professional knowledge is aimed at social and political values. Babinsa also plays a role in the delivery of state’s hegemony discourses in villages. 


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