Global Justice and Global Citizenship

Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

While the concept of global citizenship has a pedigree dating back more than 2000 years, as well as many current advocates and interpreters, scholarly critics tend to dismiss it as simply incoherent. How, they ask, can it be possible to practice global citizenship in the absence of some global state? This chapter argues that, although the full formal trappings of citizenship are not likely to emerge anytime soon at the global level, individuals can make important contributions toward realizing its substance there. In assuming duties to promote comprehensive rights protections for others who do not share their state citizenship, and promoting the sort of supra-state institutional transformation that could more reliably secure such protections, they can enact some key aspects of global citizenship. Further, such an institutionally developmental approach to global citizenship is shown to be less distinct than claimed from domestic conceptions, which define citizenship partly in terms of ideals and practices that are acknowledged to need further development.

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

AbstractBesides stating that global or cosmopolitan citizenship is an incoherent concept in the absence of a global state, some critics assert that it represents a form of Western-centric moral neoimperialism. This article develops some responses to such objections through examining the efforts of Indian activists who have undertaken intensive international engagement in their struggles against caste discrimination. The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights has sought to close domestic rights-implementation gaps for Dalits (formerly called untouchables) in part through vertical outreach to United Nations human rights bodies. This mode of outreach is shown to represent an important practice of global citizenship, and to challenge a view of South agent as primarily passive recipients of moral goods within a global citizenship frame. Further, the Dalit activists’ global citizenship practice is shown to be significantly ‘institutionally developmental’, in that it highlights implementation gaps in the global human rights regime and can contribute to pressures for suprastate institutional transformation and development to address them. NCDHR actions are, for example, highly salient to the recently renewed dialogue on creating a World Court of Human Rights.


Author(s):  
O. Morhuniuk

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational. The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties. Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
محمد أزهر

The Advantages of Multilingualism in Building a World. This paper is aimed at describing multilingualism In India, a country known with multilingual and multicultural people. India is the most multilingual country in the world and it is the second largest country with a population of more than 17 percent of the world's population. Knowing two or more than two languages becomes the need for communication among speech communities as well as individuals. Defined as an occurrence regarding an individual speaker who uses two or more languages, multilingualism basically arises due to the need to communicate across speech communities. Multilingualism is not a rare but a normal necessity across the world due to globalization and wider cultural communication. Also it is not a recent phenomenon; it was prevalent in the ancient time also. This means that the perspective of global citizenship has achieved a remarkable achievement. There is no doubt in history that India is one of the oldest civilizations and a source of other civilizations in the world and draws the attention of researchers, and is of great importance at the global level


Author(s):  
Maurice Kamto

The chapter comments on Eyal Benvenisti’s discussion of international law’s contribution to global justice. It puts forward that global justice at the international level can only be the result of a permanent bargain and a compromise between the multiple and conflicting interests among states. It emphasizes that better governance at the global level involving the sharing of the policy-making and decision-making, accountability, the rule of law, and sanctions can help improve global justice. It concludes by suggesting that if international law could contribute to the advent of global justice in a move from ‘Responsibility to protect’ to ‘Responsibility to develop’, it would open a new era for its rise amongst nations and peoples.


Author(s):  
Rainer Schmidt ◽  
Michael Möhring ◽  
Daniel Glück ◽  
Ralf Haerting ◽  
Barbara Keller ◽  
...  

Bitcoin is the most successful approach for establishing a currency outside of state supervision and government institutions. Besides, Bitcoin is very controversial discussed. Therefore, a further investigation of different aspects of the benefit of using Bitcoin should be realized in order to identify some core aspects of the digital currency Bitcoin. In this context, the study described in the following achievements is done. It shows that there exist key aspects, like dissemination as well as safety, which are important impact factors on users' benefit of using a digital currency like Bitcoin. In addition, it also gives implications for a further development of the topic and aspects for future research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Ronzoni

Abstract:Recently, republicans have been increasingly arguing that the ideal of nondomination can ground both a more plausible account of global justice and better insights for global institutional design than liberal egalitarianism does. What kind of global institutions, however, does nondomination require? The essay argues that a global institutional blueprint based on the republican ideal of nondomination is a multifaceted endeavor. Republican institutions should aim to fulfill three different desiderata: 1) avoiding excessive concentration of power; 2) bringing informal asymmetrical power under institutional control; 3) furthering an active, vigilant citizenry. The three desiderata often pull in different directions. At the global level in particular, they do not converge on a verdict over whether we should switch to a cosmopolitan institutional order, stick to a world of states, or opt for something altogether different. As a result, there is no straightforward pathway leading from the vindication of nondomination as the central principle of global justice to a clear vision for a global institutional order. The issue is, instead, a matter of careful balancing.


Author(s):  
Michael Blake

This chapter examines how philosophical concepts of distributive justice ought to be applied at the global level. There has been a great deal of philosophical interest in this topic in recent years, and the field has quickly grown to include some sophisticated analyses of how we might think about global distributive justice. This chapter examines this field, and argues that it must become more sophisticated still in order to adequately deal with the complexities of the global arena. In particular, the article argues that we have reason to examine more precisely the nature of global institutions—what powers they actually have, and what it is that they might plausibly hope to become—as a key focus of our philosophical analysis. The relationship between political and distributive justice, in particular, ought to be made a particular focus in our efforts to understand the nature of global justice.


Author(s):  
Marina Khasanova

This article is dedicated to examination of the role of Parliamentary Assembly in development of the Union State. The goal is to trace the parliamentary activity in the Union State throughout the entire time of its existence, the objectives that were pursued, their transformation, and change of conditions for their accomplishment. This topic is especially relevant in the current context. A new milestone has passed in the history of Union State: December 2019 marked twenty years since its creation. Agreement on the formation of Parliamentary Assembly of the Community of Belarus-Russia Union State was signed earlier, in 1996. The novelty of this works consists in comprehensive and detailed analysis of different stages in formation of Parliamentary Assembly, which allows describing their role in further consolidation of the Union State. The scientific problem of this article can be articulated as follows: Parliamentary Assembly is not just a legislative institution that formulates the agenda for development of the Union State; it is also a platform for a continuous dialogue between Russia and Belarus. Therefore, examination of this government institution in an urgent scientific problem that allows revealing the key aspects of evolution of the Union State. As the resources for this article, the author explored the legislative acts of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, legal information from official portals of the Union State and the Parliamentary Assembly. This underline the need for further development of parliamentarism in Russia-Belarus Union State for the purpose of improvement and strengthening of relations between the countries in the current conditions of international transformation. The article is based on most relevant documents pertaining to Russia-Belarus relations for the period from 1991 to the present.


Author(s):  
Hanns W. Maull

This chapter sets out the guiding questions for this volume and develops a comprehensive, integrated framework for analyzing political order across its three major levels. It proposes a concept of order that allows a comparison and evaluation of the characteristics and evolution of political order at their three major spatial levels: the nation-state, partial regional and functional orders at intermediate levels between the state and the world as a whole, and the global level. Key aspects of political order are effectiveness, legitimacy, and authority; principles, norms, and rules; compliance and collective sanctions and the incidence of violence; actors with the capabilities and the intentions to shape respective orders; their major structural characteristics; and their evolution over time and their resilience.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shmuel Nili

What kind of normative constraints do domestic political theories generate at the global level? While much attention has been given to the global implications of specific domestic theories, little if any attention has been dedicated to the more general question - in what ways can a domestic theory of justice generate normative constraints for a global theory of justice? My aim here is to take first steps in addressing this meta-theoretical question. The main reason why global justice theorists have been ignoring this question is the implicit assumption that a domestic political theory can generate normative constraints for global theory only if its conclusions need to be replicated at the global level. While intuitive, I argue that this replication framework misses the possibility that domestic theories can have global implications by directly modifying, through their design process and output, the starting point of global theory. I elaborate this alternative modification framework in two main stages. The first introduces in detail the distinction between the replication and modification frameworks. The second stage demonstrates the distinctive value of the modification framework by applying it to two specific themes central to global political philosophy: the normative constraints that domestic egalitarianism generates for thinking about global distributive justice, and the nature of individual moral duties concerning global institutions. Understanding these issues through the modification framework will allow us to render coherent global theories that might seem incoherent with their domestic origins. More generally, this understanding might yield surprising normative conclusions about global affairs.


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