Political and Distributive Justice

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chad Van Shoelandt ◽  
Gerald Gaus
Keyword(s):  
Distributive Justice ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
Special Relation ◽  
Reasonable Disagreement ◽  
The Social

To most philosophers, unmet claims based on distributive justice imply a political injustice—some have a complaint of justice against their political system. This article explores a variety of views about how this connection may be grounded or qualified: political institutions may be one tool among others to realize an independent good, distributive principles might regulate the distributive activities of political institutions, or distributive principles might apply in light of a special relation of a political institution and its members. We also consider a view prevalent in the social contract tradition that, in light of reasonable disagreement, one cannot demand that shared political institutions conform to one’s own contentious distributive theory: members must seek terms with which all can live, even though such terms may not be anyone’s most preferred possibility.

The Social and Institutional Bases of Distributive Justice

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman
Keyword(s):  
Distributive Justice ◽  
Division Of Labor ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Cooperation ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Principles Of Justice ◽  
Trade And Exchange ◽  
Cooperative Institutions

This chapter argues that distributive justice is institutionally based. Certain cooperative institutions are basic: they are necessary for economic production and the division of labor, trade and exchange, and distribution and consumption. These background institutions presuppose principles of justice to specify their terms, allocate productive resources, and define fair distributions. Primary among these basic institutions are property; laws and conventions enabling transfers of goods and productive resources; and the legal system of contract and agreements that make transfers possible and productive. Political institutions are necessary to specify, interpret, enforce, and make effective the terms of these institutions. Thus, basic cooperative institutions are social; they are realizable only within the context of social and political cooperation—this is a fixed empirical fact about cooperation among free and equal persons. Given the nature of fair social cooperation as a kind of reciprocity, distributive justice is primarily social rather than global in reach.

The Problem of Environmental Democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-317
Author(s):  
Eric Pommier ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Hans Jonas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Effective Development ◽  
Environmental Democracy

The work of Hans Jonas’ has been largely overlooked by environmental philosophers. His Principle of Responsibility can help guide effective development of political institutions for environmental purposes. It is possible to use this principle to develop a deliberative and environmental conception of democracy. Some implications of the social contract framework of deliberative democracy show that Jonas’ conceptualization of responsibility leads to an environmental and deliberative conception of democracy by accommodating different citizens’ senses of the good in terms of an environmentally conceived global governance.

scholarly journals Democratic institutes in the countries of the Arab East: features of development and transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Islam Almughid
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Former Ussr

The article examines the leading centers of democratic transformation in Arab countries and the formation of an institutional base for democratization processes. It is emphasized that the parameters of the political system of the Arab East are comparable to the some countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the former USSR, which reveals a problem beyond the limits of purely regional research. The attention has been focused on the socio-cultural specificities of the Arab countries as a factor requiring special attention to consider the social environment of the political system, which affects the organization of power and the specifics of political participation. It is noted that such traditional democratic institutions as active political participation, political leadership, and public activity should be considered through the prism of the traditional guidance of political Islam. It is argued that attempts to realize their own model of modernization of the political system are faced with the failure of political institutions. It is substantiated that in the Arabian countries the level of representation and realization of social interests of citizens has proved to be insufficient. The importance of the national Arab model of political adaptation of society to the conditions of globalization is considered.

Political Decay and the European Revolutions, 1789–1848

1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Gillis
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Total System ◽  
Causative Role ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Situation ◽  
Dynamic Element

Until very recently social interpretations of revolution have enjoyed a position of virtual orthodoxy among both historians and social scientists. Sociologists and political scientists concerned with the problem of revolution have been mainly of the structural-functional school. They describe a revolutionary situation as one of “multiple dysfunction” in the relations between the political system and the society it serves. Revolution thus interpreted is a violent redress of imbalance among functionally interrelated and historically synchronous social and political parts of one total system. It is commonly assumed that it is the social process, including economic change, that is the dynamic element in any revolutionary event, and that political institutions play a causative role only in so far as they fail to provide mechanisms for resolving the state of disequilibrium. Historians of revolution, many of them strongly if not consciously influenced by Marxist traditions of interpretation, have taken much the same position. If they tend to think more in terms of trends than of equilibrium systems, nevertheless they agree with the social scientists that revolution is primarily the result of accumulating social and economic pressures, with politics playing only a secondary role in shaping the course of events.

Socjalizacja i edukacja polityczna, jako ważne determinanty kultury politycznej

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literal Sense ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.

scholarly journals State Capacity, Reciprocity, and the Social Contract

Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 1307-1335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Besley
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Tax Compliance ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Social ◽  
Relative Payoff ◽  
Common Interests

This paper explores the role of civic culture in expanding fiscal capacity by developing a model based on reciprocal obligations: citizens pay their taxes and the state provides public goods. Civic culture evolves over time according to the relative payoff of civic‐minded and materialist citizens. A strong civic culture manifests itself as high tax revenues sustained by high levels of voluntary tax compliance and provision of public goods. This captures the idea of government as a reciprocal social contract between the state and its citizens. The paper highlights the role of political institutions and common interests in the emergence of civic culture.

Justice below the State: Civil Society as a Site of Justice

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 915-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Cordelli
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Distributive Justice ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
International Level ◽  
The Social ◽  
Theories Of Justice ◽  
A Site ◽  
Private Associations

In response to growing economic and political interdependence at the international level, contemporary theories of justice have debated whether the demands of distributive justice extend beyond the nation-state. This article addresses the reverse question: whether and how the demands of justice arise below the state, at the level of civil society associations. This question becomes pressing in light of the increasing fragmentation of national governance, and the resulting institutional interdependence between political institutions and private associations. The article argues that the extent to which these associations are directly bound by egalitarian principles depends on a complex set of factors, including their structure and size, their role in the social provision of important goods, and their institutional relation with political institutions.

scholarly journals SOCIAL GROUNDS FOR POLITICAL CONFLICT

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
L.I. Nikovskaya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Dynamic Balance ◽  
Basic Needs ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Social ◽  
Private And Public

The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, con- tribute to the widening of the gap between "private" and "public", generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. Sociological analysis of the subject cross-section of conflict interaction shows that a conflict based on group interests (in comparison with class and elitist) contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, since it is characterized by flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Class and elitist models of conflict tend more to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the "discontinuous" lines of interaction between the "top" and "bottom", makes the dichotomy "rule-submission" rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.

scholarly journals Evolution of Shiite Clergy Role in Socio-political Development of Iran

2019 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
N. Prorochenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Religious Establishment

The purpose of this publication is to analyze the historical, religious and socio-cultural background of the Shiite clergy place and role in the political process and the social changes in Iran in recent times. The main features of the connection between the Shiite doctrine and politics arerevealed. The author investigates the participation of the Shiite clergy in the process of building the Iranian political model. It is shown that the modern political system of Iran is characterized by the combination of Islamic principles with elements of democracy: the religion determines all spheres of life – politics, economy, culture, the clergy monitors the secular structures of power, but all the authorities are elected.Special attention is paid to the evolution of the Iranian modern political institutions and the process of representatives views transformation in the field of the ruling religious establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the context of internal political changes and external challenges. The possibilities of preserving Islamic rule in the conditions of further modernization of society are considered.

scholarly journals Political Membership in the Contractarian Defense of Cosmopolitanism

2008 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lea Ypi
Keyword(s):  
Distributive Justice ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Global Justice ◽  
Veil Of Ignorance ◽  
The Social ◽  
Global Distributive Justice ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Sense Of Justice ◽  
Political Membership

AbstractThis article assesses the recent use of contractarian strategies for the justification of cosmopolitan distributive principles. It deals in particular with the cosmopolitan critique of political membership and tries to reject the claim that political communities are arbitrary for the scope of global justice. By focusing on the circumstances of justice, the nature of the parties, the veil of ignorance, and the sense of justice, the article tries to show that the cosmopolitan critique of political membership modifies the contractarian premises in a way that is both unwarranted and unnecessary. While failing to establish principles of global distributive justice, existing cosmopolitan adaptations of the social contract device simply weaken the method's justificatory potential.

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