scholarly journals SOCIAL GROUNDS FOR POLITICAL CONFLICT

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
L.I. Nikovskaya ◽  

The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, con- tribute to the widening of the gap between "private" and "public", generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. Sociological analysis of the subject cross-section of conflict interaction shows that a conflict based on group interests (in comparison with class and elitist) contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, since it is characterized by flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Class and elitist models of conflict tend more to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the "discontinuous" lines of interaction between the "top" and "bottom", makes the dichotomy "rule-submission" rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-51
Author(s):  
Larissa Nikovskaya

The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, contribute to the widening of the gap between the «private» and «public», generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. The sociological analysis of conflict interactions based on the predominance of horizontal connections and relationships contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, as it differs in flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Excessive class divisions and inequality tend to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the «discontinuous» lines of interaction between the «top» and «bottom», makes the dichotomy «rule-submission» rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.


Author(s):  
V. V. Naumkin

The presentation analyzes three belts of ethno-political conflict that directly affect the national interests of Russia. The link between ethno-political processes and globalization is highlighted, uncovering a number of challenges. Seven characteristic features of the contemporary world order are identified and their influence on the state of ethno-political conflicts and the prospects for their settlement are discussed.


Geoadria ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 223
Author(s):  
Jelena Lončar

This paper examines the opinions, viewpoints and attitudes of a number of undergraduate and graduate university students of geography (Faculty of Science, University of Zagreb) related to Croatian politics, how they experience it and in what manner they comment on certain political events. The research was carried out in the period between 17 and 22 May 2017 on a sample of 173 students which makes 64% of the number of geography students at the University. The survey results show that the student population, although representing Croatia’s future intellectual force, shows no significant interest in politics and that their engagement, participation in political parties as well as involvement in political processes are at a very low level mostly due to high level of distrust towards politicians, political institutions but also political system in general.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Islam Almughid

The article examines the leading centers of democratic transformation in Arab countries and the formation of an institutional base for democratization processes. It is emphasized that the parameters of the political system of the Arab East are comparable to the some countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the former USSR, which reveals a problem beyond the limits of purely regional research. The attention has been focused on the socio-cultural specificities of the Arab countries as a factor requiring special attention to consider the social environment of the political system, which affects the organization of power and the specifics of political participation. It is noted that such traditional democratic institutions as active political participation, political leadership, and public activity should be considered through the prism of the traditional guidance of political Islam. It is argued that attempts to realize their own model of modernization of the political system are faced with the failure of political institutions. It is substantiated that in the Arabian countries the level of representation and realization of social interests of citizens has proved to be insufficient. The importance of the national Arab model of political adaptation of society to the conditions of globalization is considered.


Author(s):  
Svjetlana Nedimović

This chapter examines recent debates about transitional justice and argues against attempts at ‘overcoming the past’ or ‘settling the past’. Drawing on Cornelius Castoriadis's theory of the social-historical, it shows that engaging with the past is an inescapable dimension of societal existence and its self-creative process. It contends that such past is not necessarily a burden but can become a political resource in the (re)construction of political community. The resourcefulness of the past, however, is contingent upon standing or permanent political institutions and normative frameworks. The unsettled past, the chapter suggests, becomes a valuable political resource only if it remains unsettled and, as such, a vital part and live matter of everyday political processes through the interconnected workings of collective political responsibility and political imagination.


1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Gillis

Until very recently social interpretations of revolution have enjoyed a position of virtual orthodoxy among both historians and social scientists. Sociologists and political scientists concerned with the problem of revolution have been mainly of the structural-functional school. They describe a revolutionary situation as one of “multiple dysfunction” in the relations between the political system and the society it serves. Revolution thus interpreted is a violent redress of imbalance among functionally interrelated and historically synchronous social and political parts of one total system. It is commonly assumed that it is the social process, including economic change, that is the dynamic element in any revolutionary event, and that political institutions play a causative role only in so far as they fail to provide mechanisms for resolving the state of disequilibrium. Historians of revolution, many of them strongly if not consciously influenced by Marxist traditions of interpretation, have taken much the same position. If they tend to think more in terms of trends than of equilibrium systems, nevertheless they agree with the social scientists that revolution is primarily the result of accumulating social and economic pressures, with politics playing only a secondary role in shaping the course of events.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 444-464
Author(s):  
Vladimir A. Kolosov ◽  
◽  

The Article is devoted to the impact of the crisis in relations between the two countries on the interaction between their border areas, the economy and the social sphere of the Russian border. The author briefly analyzes the prerequisites that led to an acute political conflict between the two States and gives an overview of the historical and ethno-cultural features of the development of the border regions of Russia and Ukraine. Then the specifics of the neighborhood and socio-economic gradients between the neighboring territories of the two countries are considered.


Periphērica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-205
Author(s):  
Pércio Castro

Blue and Not So Pink (2012), created by Miguel Ferrari as director and screenwriter, received innumerable positive and negative critiques. In spite of the negative evaluations, the film managed to become a great box office success in Venezuela and in 2013 obtained the Goya Award for the best Spanish American film. This study will analyze the film’s most significant themes; that is, that the consideration of human diversity as an element should be accepted in our societies, the possibility of giving voice to persons who suffer discrimination and the issue of self-acceptance. The notion that the film proposes that there should be other types of families in our societies will be considered: families with gay parents, those with only one parent, and therefore, families that are formed with no blood relationship whatsoever. The trajectory of the main characters within parameters that are juxtaposed and, at the same time, complement each other will be observed—the private and public world, the social sphere and the familial one. Consequently, the transformation that occurs in the family unit to include more unbiased parental rights for homosexuals and transexuals in the formation of a new kind of family core will likewise be examined. By way of conclusion, it will be observed how the musical diversity of the film is developed intradiegetically to support gender diversity, as well as an examination of the concept of gender within heterocentric society and the way in which relationships of homosexual couples and transgender couples challenge patriarchal society and the dichotomous, binary system it adopted.


Author(s):  
Chad Van Shoelandt ◽  
Gerald Gaus

To most philosophers, unmet claims based on distributive justice imply a political injustice—some have a complaint of justice against their political system. This article explores a variety of views about how this connection may be grounded or qualified: political institutions may be one tool among others to realize an independent good, distributive principles might regulate the distributive activities of political institutions, or distributive principles might apply in light of a special relation of a political institution and its members. We also consider a view prevalent in the social contract tradition that, in light of reasonable disagreement, one cannot demand that shared political institutions conform to one’s own contentious distributive theory: members must seek terms with which all can live, even though such terms may not be anyone’s most preferred possibility.


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