Presidents on Political Ground: Leaders in Action and What They Face. By BruceMiroff. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2016. 208 pp.

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 992-993
Author(s):  
John A. Dearborn
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Alma-Pierre Bonnet

The decision by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union came as a shock to many. A key player during the referendum campaign was the Vote Leave organisation which managed to convince people that they would be better off outside the European project. Their success was made all the easier as Euroscepticism had been running deep in the country for decades. It is on this fertile ground that Vote Leavers drew to persuade people of the necessity to leave. Using critical metaphor analysis, this paper examines the way Vote Leavers won the argument by developing three political myths, which, once combined, conjured up the notion of British grandeur. Drawing on Jonathan Charteris-Black’s seminal works on the relation between metaphors and the creation of political myths in political rhetoric, this paper posits that the Brexit debate was not won solely on political ground and that the manipulative power of metaphors may have also been a key element. This might explain the current political deadlock, as political solutions might not provide the answers to the questions raised during the campaign.


Author(s):  
Miryam Ibeth Robayo Pedraza

<p>Resumen</p><p>Este artículo, producto de la tesis de maestría “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, muestra el papel preponderante que la canción protesta ha jugado en la historia de América Latina, al recoger las expresiones de inconformismo social que marcaron su época de apogeo entre los años 60 y 80 (cuando la izquierda ganaba terreno político como resultado del subdesarrollo, la creciente miseria, el descontento de la población y la falta de liderazgo de los mandatarios de la región, quienes fueron incapaces de plantear alternativas que permitieran superar estas problemáticas). La canción social se alimentó de la lírica universitaria, del sindicalismo, de las injusticias cotidianas, alentando la lucha por ideales, poderes y pertinencias, con un vocabulario y expresión acordes. El género decae hacia los años 80 como consecuencia de las crisis económicas y la llegada de las dictaduras, y su silenciamiento, así como el asesinato o exilio de sus intérpretes, acompaña la estrangulación de cualquier anhelo de cambio revolucionario en el continente.</p><p>Palabras claves</p><p>Canción protesta, descontento, sindicalismo, luchas sociales, música, movimientos sociales.</p><p> </p><p>Uirsiaikunawa iachari mana allilla kagta Politikapi XX watakunapi Sugllapi Kaipi maestría ima Niriagta 1960- 1970 imasa kagta Colombiapi watakunapi america Latinapi chi watakunapi 60- 80 vincikurka llukikunaa sugrigcha kawachingapa pueblokunata mana sumarkakunata chasakuna, religiónpi mana pudirkuna allilla tukungapa tukuikuna. Ima suti Rimai Simi: Virsiaikunawa, mana allilla, sindicalismo, lucha social, virsiakuna, gintikunapa iuiai.</p><p> </p><p>PROTEST SONG AS AN EXPRESSION OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DISSENT IN THE 20TH CENTURY .Abstract</p><p>This article, stemming from the master’s thesis “The Social and Political Imaginary in the Social or Protest Song in Colombia during the period of 1960 to 1970”, shows the important role that protest song has played in the history of Latin America in collecting the expressions of social dissent that marked its heyday from the 60s into the 80s (when the left won political ground as a result of underdevelopment, increasing poverty, the discontent of the population and the lack of leadership from the heads of state of the region, who were unable to propose solutions that would overcome these problems). The protest song fed from university poetry, from trade unionism and from daily injustices, encouraging the fight for ideals, empowerment and the urgent, with the vocabulary and expressions that best suited them. The genre decayed during the 80s as a result of the economic crises and the advent of dictatorships; its silencing, as well as the murder or exile of its performers, accompanied the death of every hope for revolutionary change on the continent.</p><p>Keywords</p><p>Protest song, discontent, unionism, social struggles, music, social movements.</p><p>LA CHANSON SOCIALE COMME EXPRESSION DE LA NON-CONFORMITE SOCIALE ET POLITIQUE AU XXE SIECLE. Résumé</p><p>Cet article, produit du mémoire de Master sur « L’imaginaire social et politique présent dans la chanson sociale ou de protestation en Colombie pendant la période 1960-1970 », montre le rôle prépondérant que la chanson engagée a joué dans l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, en rassemblant les expressions de non-conformisme social qui ont marqué à l’époque de leur apogée entre les années 60 et 80 (quand la gauche gagnait du terrain politique suite au sous-développement, à la misère croissante, au mécontentement de la population et au manque de leadership des mandataires de la région, ceux qui ont été incapables de poser des alternatives qui permettraient de dépasser ces problématiques). La chanson sociale s’est nourrie de la lyrique universitaire, du syndicalisme, des injustices quotidiennes, en encourageant la lutte pour des idéaux, des pouvoirs et des pertinences, avec un vocabulaire et une expression concordants. Le genre dépérit vers les années 80 suite aux crises économiques et à l’arrivée des dictatures, et son étouffement, ainsi que le meurtre ou l’exil de ses interprètes, accompagne l’étranglement de toute aspiration de changement révolutionnaire dans le continent.</p><p>Mots clés</p><p>Chanson engagée, mécontentement, syndicalisme, luttes sociales, musique, mouvements sociaux.</p><p>A CANÇÃO SOCIAL COMO UMA EXPRESSÃO DE INCONFORMISMO SOCIAL E POLÍTICA NO SÉCULO XX. Resumo</p><p>Este artigo, produto da tese de mestrado “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, (O imaginário social e político presente na mùsica social ou de protesto na Colômbia durante o período compreendido de 1960 – 1970. Mostra o papel importante que a música de protesto tem desempenhado na história da América Latina, para recolher expressões de inconformismo social que marcou o seu auge na década de 60 e 80 anos ( quando a esquerda ganhou terreno político como resultado do subdesenvolvimento, crescimento da miséria, o descontentamento da população e a falta de liderança dos líderes da região que eram incapazes de propor alternativas que permitiam superar esses problemas) A mùsica social foi alimentada da lírica universitária, do sindicalismo, das injustiças diárias, encorajando a luta pelos ideais, poderes e relevância com um vocabulário e expressão acordes. O decaimento do gênero foi nos anos 80 como consequência das crises econômicas e a chegada das ditaduras, silenciamento, assim como o assassinato ou exílio dos intérpretes, acompanha estuangulamento de qualquer desejo de mudança revolucionária no continente.</p><p>Palavras chaves</p><p>Canção de Protesto , o descontentamento, o sindicalismo, lutas sociais, música, movimentos sociais.</p>


1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-49
Author(s):  
Ralf Erik Remshardt

In 1974, the maverick German director Klaus-Michael Grüber created a remarkable (and much remarked-upon) production of Die Bakchen (The Bacchae) at Berlin's Schaubühne theatre. It was then, and remains to date, the most significant German-language production of, and indeed one of the very few attempts to stage, Euripides' final play in Germany. This essay will attempt to trace the history of German abstention fromthe play and analyze how Grüber's Bacchae responded to that history of ambivalence and neglect, for what was played out in Grüber's mise-en-scène was not only the conflict between Pentheus and Dionysus for the soul of Thebes, but indeed, upon the rapidly shifting cultural and political ground of West Germany, a deeper conflict between mimesis and authenticity, presence and representation, and the soul of the theatre. The first volley in this conflict had been fired more than one hundred years before by Friedrich Nietzsche.


Author(s):  
Mathis Heinrich

The article stresses the ideological and political dominance of productive capital fractions within the power bloc of the European Union (EU), by exemplifying their strategic influence in transnational struggles over the management of the current crises in Europe. Theoretically, it is shown, that the leadership of a fraction within the ruling class does neither result from its economic dominance in accumulation nor its hegemony in society alone, but rather depends on concrete struggles over power and meaning within the power bloc itself. In this regard, the economic and financial crisis management approach of the EU reveals that especially transnational actors from the European industry are able to use the crisis between 2008 and 2013 to further lock-in their global competitiveness strateg y into EU political structures. While the lobby groups of finance capital, although still economically important, are rather losing political ground and get lost in technocratic disputes among each, productive capital associations are holding the ruling class in Brussels together by using their privileged access to EU institutions and subordinating the interests of others capital fractions under the dominant discourse of a global and export-oriented growth regime of the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-47
Author(s):  
Joseph Nnnemeka Agbo ◽  

This paper sets out to defend a set of mutually inclusive theses. First, it argues that liberal democracy’s sojourn in Africa is not political but economic. Secondly, that there is nothing natural about capitalism, rather capitalism was forcefully globalized in order to create the false impression that man is by nature motivated by self-interest or profit. But this paper demonstrates the historicity of capitalism. Finally, the paper employs Martin Heidegger’s ontological analysis to show that liberal democracy is just the political manifestation of what he calls “the nihilism of Western metaphysical thinking”, a thinking that is expansionist, dominating and ultimately “enframing”; (controlling). Using the expository, historical, analytic and critical methods, the essay demonstrates that the liberal democratic march in Africa is to provide the enabling conditions for capitalist exploitation. Thus, it argues that without the political ground- clearing capacity of liberal democracy, the economic domination and control by capitalism in Africa would be very difficult. In conclusion, the paper draws from the actual experience of liberal democracy and the thrust of capitalism in Africa to demonstrate their ontological ambivalence.


2019 ◽  
pp. 297-303
Author(s):  
Rostyslav Radyshevsky

The article «Eurocentrism as the source of Y. Kosach’s outlook» investigates the problem of Occident and Ori- ent in Y. Kosach’s literary-critical legacy. The concepts of «Europe» and «West» in the writer’s apprehension are considered in details. The conceptualization of epochs and historical figures in the context of culture, politics and history is traced. The main attention is paid to the problem of the affinity of Ukrainian and Western European cultures, the basis of which is the common feature – the synthesis of experiment and tradition, what matches Ukrainian nation as a European nation with the millennial state past. The problem of eternal connection of Ukraine with the West’s tradition is seen as the main axis around which Kosach concentrated all other problems. At the same time, attention is also focused on the unifying features of the Ukrainian writ- ers’ style, which Kosach distinguishes for analysis, meaning not the «form of content», but the «style of content». Similarly, in the close connection with the problem of the occidentality of Ukrainian culture, the problem of the «Ukrainian mission of the defense of Western Civilization» and the painful problems connected not only with Ukrainian history but also with the Ukrainian character, the Ukrainian way of thinking are considered. The author emphasizes that as a result of a poetic research, the artist created the myth-poetic conception of Ukrainian state existence, imagining Ukraine as «Imperium Ucrainum», «Third Rome», convinced that empires do not die, continuing to live in myths, capturing the thoughts of contemporaries, becoming a ground on which the former might and glory of the state are reviving. Аccording to Kosach, just writers perform the function of development and dissemination of national myths in society – repeatedly in the history of mankind the works of literature played the role of a vector of direction of public tastes. Thus, «Aeneid» by Virgil became the cornerstone of the imperial ideological concept by Octavian Augustus, and «An- dromaque» by Racine led the political ground for the legitimate rule of Louis XIV from the rulers of Troy. Much attention is paid to Kosach’s criticism of «Polish mythology» by A. Mickiewicz and H. Sienkievicz; dependence between «Polish mythology» and creation of own Kosach’s mythology is established in the literary essay «On the guard of the nation». The article emphasizes the relevance and far-sightedness of Y. Kosach’s views through the conception of such an old-new concept as «information warfare».


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Ram Krishna Tiwari

This paper deals with the political development of Nepal and its history of armed conflict. The formation of Nepali nation-state is not very long, again throughout its political history Nepal remained an independent country, but this country experienced a decade long political conflict from 1996 to 2006. The failure of political change of 1951 and 1990 prepared a political ground for the official beginning the People’s War, and after 2006 the country is moving into the path of peace process. Similarly, the formation of political parties has not a long history compared it with the beginning of democratic movement in India, China and other countries of the world. The poor political vision of the political leaders failed to institutionalize the political change of Nepal, and now the ongoing peace process of Nepal should erase all the weaknesses and conclude it for building prosperous nation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
A.G.M. Niaz Uddin ◽  
Md Kamal Uddin

Renewable energy sources are vital to fulfill the high demands of energy in the present world. The common renewable energy sources are wind, hydropower, nuclear and biomass. However, hydropower is considered the most flexible and consistent renewable energy source because it is comparatively cheaper and more available. Besides hydroelectricity production, hydropower dams can also be useful for irrigation. Though hydropower energy is considered as green energy due to its less carbon emission, still other environmental impacts of hydropower dams are many. Hydropower dams are built based on political ground. Research into the politics of building hydropower dams and environment remains underdeveloped in many ways. Thus, this paper focuses on the issues of politics of building hydropower dams and its impacts on environment. This paper has critically reviewed the extensive literature to examine the argument and counter argument. This paper argues that the building hydropower dams on international river for renewable energy has political as well as environmental impacts. Most of the literature argued that hydropower dams provide renewable energy which produces less carbon emission, but it is argued in this paper that hydropower dams have huge political and environmental impacts nationally and internationally. Displacement of the people and dispute for water distribution among countries due to the building hydropower dams are also considered to be significant for discussion in this paper. Thus, the paper critically examines the impacts and role of hydropower dams on environment, international relations and politics.


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