scholarly journals Prospects and Paths of CICA's Transformation

2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (03) ◽  
pp. 447-469
Author(s):  
Dongxiao Chen

The Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) is at a critical juncture of development and transformation. In the past two decades, CICA has developed itself into the most representative and inclusive pan-Asian forum on regional security and cooperation, making steady progress on confidence building and regional cooperation, as well as promoting ideas of comprehensive, common, cooperative, and sustainable security. CICA has played a unique role in gradually raising Asia's self-awareness on a regional security agenda and regional architecture building. Nevertheless, CICA's overall influence on Asia's security agenda is still limited, its potential is far from being fully realized, let alone its long-term goal of upgrading into an organization of security and cooperation in asia (OSCA). In the context of changing dynamics in the regional security landscape, there are both great opportunities and huge challenges for CICA's further development and transformation. China, as the chairing country of CICA in the next few years, should show its stewardship to strategically prioritize CICA's road map for its transformation, by enhancing CICA's capacity and institutional building, improving the efficacy of CBMs for regional security, and helping build CICA's capability of delivering more regional security public goods. For the purpose of realizing these agendas of CICA, China should not only work more closely with the core members of CICA, but also engage well with extra-regional powers, particularly the United States, in the area of regional security architecture building.

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


Author(s):  
Joshua Byun

Abstract Why do some regional powers collectively threatened by a potential hegemon eagerly cooperate to ensure their security, while others appear reluctant to do so? I argue that robust security cooperation at the regional level is less likely when an unbalanced distribution of power exists between the prospective security partners. In such situations, regional security cooperation tends to be stunted by foot-dragging and obstructionism on the part of materially inferior states wary of facilitating the strategic expansion of neighbours with larger endowments of power resources, anticipating that much of the coalition's gains in military capabilities are likely to be achieved through an expansion of the materially superior neighbour's force levels and strategic flexibility. Evidence drawn from primary material and the latest historiography of France's postwar foreign policy towards West Germany provides considerable support for this argument. My findings offer important correctives to standard accounts of the origins of Western European security cooperation and suggest the need to rethink the difficulties the United States has encountered in promoting cooperation among local allies in key global regions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-96
Author(s):  
Hilary Bussell

A Review of: Attebury, R. I. (2017). Professional development: A qualitative study of high impact characteristics affecting meaningful and transformational learning. The Journal of Academic Librarianship, 43(3), 232-241. http://dx.doi.org//10.1016/j.acalib.2017.02.015 Abstract Objective – To understand the characteristics of meaningful and transformational professional development experiences of academic librarians. Design – Qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews using a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Setting – Public and private colleges and universities in the United States of America. Subjects – 10 academic librarians. Methods – The researcher selected 10 participants using an initial survey distributed through national library electronic mail lists. Two rounds of semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted over Skype during fall 2014 and spring 2015. The first round of interviews began with background questions about participants’ careers, then moved on to questions about professional development experiences that were meaningful and/or transformational. The responses from this first round of interviews were used to develop questions for a second round of interviews with the same participants. After completing the interviews, the researcher sent follow-up emails to participants in order to gather feedback on summaries and interpretations of interviews. The transcribed interviews were used to create an initial set of codes and then imported into NVivo for analysis using a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Main Results – All participants reported on professional development experiences that they found to be meaningful. Half of the participants discussed professional development experiences that were transformational for their perceptions and practice of librarianship. The themes of duration and interaction were identified in every participant’s discussions of meaningful or transformational professional development. Reflection, discomfort, and self-awareness were also identified as prominent themes. Conclusion – The study found that two of the most important ingredients for meaningful and transformational professional development are activities that are sustained over time and that include social interaction. The participants perceived long-term, interactive professional development activities as opportunities to identify and address gaps in their professional knowledge, which benefits themselves and their organizations. On-the-job learning, single-theme workshops or institutes, and professional committee work were particularly promising forms of meaningful professional development. The author recommends that academic librarians who are interested in meaningful or transformational professional development look for activities that are sustained and interactive, that promote reflection, and that provide opportunities to increase self-awareness of gaps in knowledge. Facilitators of professional development activities should include interactive components and ensure that participants have a chance to stay in contact after the event in order to encourage long-term interaction and reflection.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 553-572
Author(s):  
Kaisheng Li

The current security architecture in Asia is facing serious challenges including more offensive alliances and less defensive collective security mechanisms, the co-existence of redundancy and deficit of security regimes, and the absence of effective management of Sino-American structural contradictions. Given the diversification and complexity of these security challenges, the priority on the Asian security agenda should be to pursue effective coordination among various security regimes, rather than try to build an integrated architecture. This article argues that a new security framework can be created from three levels of security regimes. On the first level, forums led by smaller Asian countries with participation from China and the U.S. can boost more dialogues and mutual trust. On the second level, regional regimes can deal with regional security issues by harmonizing regional powers with the collective security mechanism. On the third level, Sino-American security regimes can help manage the conflicts between two great powers. Ultimately, the concert of regimes depends on the benign and effective interactions between China and the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 943-956 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres Patrignani ◽  
Narmadha Mohankumar ◽  
Christopher Redmond ◽  
Eduardo Alvarez Santos ◽  
Mary Knapp

AbstractThe ability of mesoscale environmental monitoring networks to collect spatially unbiased observations and to detect mesoscale environmental phenomena is radically determined by the spatial configuration of the network. However, there is lack of an objective, practical, and amenable method for guiding the spatial configuration of multifunctional, long-term mesoscale networks. The objective of this study is to present and demonstrate the application of a new method based on computational geometry that identifies the optimal location of future monitoring stations by finding the largest unmonitored area of the network. The computation of the method is first illustrated using the spatial distribution of the Kansas Mesonet as a case-study scenario and is then applied to several statewide and nationwide mesoscale networks in the United States. The proposed geometric method was effective to generate a long-term road map with the location of future monitoring stations. The geometric method seamlessly integrated with georeferenced data to identify the largest unmonitored areas with frequent occurrence of wildland fires and severe drought and to identify underrepresented soil types. Spatially dense statewide mesoscale networks with >120 stations across the studied U.S. states resulted in largest unmonitored areas of about 602 km2, whereas nationwide networks had largest unmonitored areas of 5002–6002 km2. The proposed method based on the geometric arrangement of network stations can be used by scientists, network managers, and state climatologists to improve the spatial representability of existing networks, better plan the allocation of limited resources, and increase the preparedness potential of mesoscale networks.


2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 164-166

Since its inception in December 2000, the Herzliya Conference has become an important annual event bringing together the country's top leaders in government, the military, business, the media, and academia as well as Jewish invitees from abroad, particularly the United States, to reflect on Israel's long-term security. In his address to the conference, the prime minister, while expressing support for the U.S. road map, announced Israeli's intention to initiate a ““unilateral security step of disengagement from the Palestinians”” if they fail to fulfill their security obligations. He also stated his intention to implement an earlier commitment to dismantle ““unauthorized [settlement] outposts.”” The closed-door conference is sponsored by eight institutions, including the Prime Minster's Office, the Defense and Foreign Affairs Ministries, the American Jewish Committee, the Jewish Agency, and the World Zionist Organization. The White House spokesman sharply criticized the ““unilateral steps”” called for in Sharon's speech, but within hours a ““senior White House official”” welcomed the speech, and the following day the spokesman recanted. The full text is available online at www.israelpr.com.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Horobets ◽  

The article analyzes the evolution of China's Arctic policy, which has expanded over three decades from individual polar research to observer status in the Arctic Council and the existence of a state Arctic strategy. China and Russia have established mutually beneficial cooperation in the Arctic region in such conditions, when in many areas there are fundamental contradictions between the countries. The West did not have a long-term strategy capable of responding to current security challenges, including in the Arctic. When Russia tried to regain lost positions on the world stage in 2007-2008, China became an increasingly influential player in the world. If before the Arctic had been outside the lines of rivalry for decades, the question of the Far North as an arena of military competition began to take first place. China has become a long-term threat to both the United States and Russia. In previous years, with the help of the China, Moscow had the opportunity to receive the necessary investments and technologies for large-scale Arctic projects. The more Beijing attempts to establish itself as an influential player in the Arctic, the more the threat to other Arctic countries will grow. The Russian Federation has positioned itself as a leader in the region. The country's policy was aimed at strengthening this status through regional control and expansion of the military presence. This led to a response from the United States and NATO countries. In Russia it was assessed as a threat. The question arises as to what the strategy of the United States should be, and whether it will be possible to resist the costly arms race. If not, then the competition will be concentrated in the political and economic spheres. A particular aspect is the rapid militarization of the Arctic region after 2014, primarily due to changes in Russia's military strategy, which extends to the North. This has led to the tensions between the United States and Russia. China has not yet resorted to expand its military power in the Arctic. China's policy of economic and infrastructural influence is opposed to military methods. The effectiveness of Chinese non-military methods of influence is assessed


Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman

Religious violence, primarily stemming from Shia–Sunni conflicts, has occupied the center stage in contemporary Middle East. It’s most recent brutal expression, which is viewed as a symptom rather than the cause, is the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS; also called the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant; ISIL) in the summer of 2014 and the violence it unleashed against the Shias, the anti-ISIS Sunnis and other non-Muslim groups across and beyond the Middle East. The violence did not erupt suddenly, however: it is an outcome of a myriad of complex historical, religious, political, economic, and geopolitical factors. Historically, tensions between Islam’s two rival sects, the Shias and the Sunnis, have existed, especially after the Battle of Karbala in 680 (which saw the defeat of Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad and the younger son of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the son-in-law of the Prophet and the fourth caliph of Islam, at the hand of Damascus-based Umayyad Caliph Yazid I), mostly in abeyance but occasionally resulting in encounters. In the contemporary context, a host of factors, most notably external interventions including the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and the toppling of the minority Sunni-led Saddam Hussein government, the sectarianization of politics by the Gulf Arab monarchs, Iran, and other dictatorial regimes in the region to consolidate regime survival, and the geopolitical competitions for power and influence between the region’s two archrivals: the Shia powerhouse Iran and the self-proclaimed defender of the Sunnis, Saudi Arabia, have greatly abetted violence between Islam’s two rival sects. Bahrain, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and Syria are the battleground states where the two regional heavyweights, being aided by two extra-regional powers, the United States and the Russian Federation, are jostling and jockeying to edge each other out to claim regional preeminence. The malaise of sectarian violence took a more serious toll on the peoples and societies in the region after the outbreak of Arab movements for democracy, what is dubbed the Arab Spring, in December 2010 and what is continuing today. This article partially originates from the author’s research project “Shia – Sunni Sectarian Violence and Middle East Regional Security” funded by the European Union and tenable at Durham University, U.K.


Significance In response to China's activities in the South China Sea, the United States has begun to implement its South-east Asia Maritime Security Initiative (MSI), which seeks to build the maritime capacity of security partners in the region. Impacts Duterte's anti-crime agenda for the Philippines could see some positive knock-on effects for coast guard procurements. Closer defence ties underlined by the MSI will also see greater diplomatic spats between Washington and its allies over human rights issues. A victory by Hillary Clinton in the 2016 elections would help bolster US credibility as a long-term regional security guarantor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regional powers. India and USA started nuclear deal on 2005 which was completed on 2006. Behind this deal, both states increase their influence in this region. India seeks lasting partnerships with USA to achieve its strategic ambitions. The partnership of nuclear agreement between the USA and India will gain long-term national interests. This research highlights complex present-day demonstration of demonic incidence which emerged after this relationship and its implications on Pakistan.


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