Live from the Front: A Poetics of Slamming the “Truth”

2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Carla Melo

Documentary performances usually take the stance of objectivity and critical distance. But sometimes this is not the case. Live from the Front is a performance of Jerry Quickley's embodied experience of the US-led invasion of Iraq. Quickley's account of “Shock and Awe” as a slam poet-turned-unembedded reporter for Pacifica Radio subverts the idea of documentary objectivity, opening up new ways to get at the “truth.”

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 481-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hagan ◽  
Joshua Kaiser ◽  
Daniel Rothenberg ◽  
Anna Hanson ◽  
Patricia Parker

Economic conflict crimes are defined in this paper as violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, as well as domestic law, associated with military and political conflict and producing significant monetary as well as other forms of suffering for civilians. Criminologists are well positioned by disciplinary emphasis to document and explain military and political violence resulting in economic conflict crimes. Criminal victimization associated with the US-led invasion of Iraq imposed an enormous toll on civilians. Yet there is little attention by criminologists or others to the profound economic costs to Iraqis, whether through lost property, life, or opportunities. We cautiously estimate that the economic losses for households in the city of Baghdad alone were almost US$100 billion, and more than three times this amount for the entire country, with Sunni groups experiencing significantly greater losses than others. So far as we know, our article presents the first estimates of civilian losses from economic conflict crimes that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq. These losses were widespread and systematic, the hallmarks of crimes against humanity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Munslow ◽  
Tim O'Dempsey

The US choice of a misdirected target of priority concern, a ‘War on Terror’, combined with the use of hard power to the absolute detriment of soft power has undermined the enlightenment values that had begun to flourish in the form of humanitarian policies, values and laws which could have informed international cooperation and development in the twenty-first century. The US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 has had serious implications for humanitarianism worldwide, has provided a huge propaganda victory to Islamic extremists, and has diverted international attention and resources from major humanitarian emergencies elsewhere and from today's most significant threat to human survival, global climate change.


2019 ◽  
pp. 105-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Hutchings

Robert Hutchings arrived as chairman just a month before the US invasion of Iraq, a move that he privately felt was a major mistake, for reasons that proved all too accurate. Once combat operations gave way to a heavy-handed US occupation regime, the analysis the NIC provided—that the anti-American insurgency was intensifying, and that this was because of the occupation itself—was badly received by policymakers. Such can be the consequences of telling truth to power. Moreover, when no WMD were found in Iraq, criticism mounted, some of it justified but some pure scapegoating. The perceived “intelligence failures” of 9/11 and Iraqi WMD crystallized in pressure toward major reforms to US intelligence. Nonetheless, during this period the NIC did seminal work in reassessing the nature of the terrorist threat and in producing the pathbreaking report, Mapping the Global Future, the newest iteration of the Global Trends series.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (11) ◽  
pp. 5639-5658 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. C. Rumsey ◽  
K. A. Cowen ◽  
J. T. Walker ◽  
T. J. Kelly ◽  
E. A. Hanft ◽  
...  

Abstract. Ambient air monitoring as part of the US Environmental Protection Agency's (US EPA's) Clean Air Status and Trends Network (CASTNet) currently uses filter packs to measure weekly integrated concentrations. The US EPA is interested in supplementing CASTNet with semi-continuous monitoring systems at select sites to characterize atmospheric chemistry and deposition of nitrogen and sulfur compounds at higher time resolution than the filter pack. The Monitor for AeRosols and GAses in ambient air (MARGA) measures water-soluble gases and aerosols at an hourly temporal resolution. The performance of the MARGA was assessed under the US EPA Environmental Technology Verification (ETV) program. The assessment was conducted in Research Triangle Park, North Carolina, from 8 September to 8 October 2010 and focused on gaseous SO2, HNO3, and NH3 and aerosol SO42-, NO3-, and NH4+. Precision of the MARGA was evaluated by calculating the median absolute relative percent difference (MARPD) between paired hourly results from duplicate MARGA units (MUs), with a performance goal of ≤ 25%. The accuracy of the MARGA was evaluated by calculating the MARPD for each MU relative to the average of the duplicate denuder/filter pack concentrations, with a performance goal of ≤ 40%. Accuracy was also evaluated by using linear regression, where MU concentrations were plotted against the average of the duplicate denuder/filter pack concentrations. From this, a linear least squares line of best fit was applied. The goal was for the slope of the line of best fit to be between 0.8 and 1.2. The MARGA performed well in comparison to the denuder/filter pack for SO2, SO42−, and NH4+, with all three compounds passing the accuracy and precision goals by a significant margin. The performance of the MARGA in measuring NO3- could not be evaluated due to the different sampling efficiency of coarse NO3- by the MUs and the filter pack. Estimates of "fine" NO3- were calculated for the MUs and the filter pack. Using this and results from a previous study, it is concluded that if the MUs and the filter pack were sampling the same particle size, the MUs would have good agreement in terms of precision and accuracy. The MARGA performed moderately well in measuring HNO3 and NH3, though neither met the linear regression slope goals. However, recommendations for improving the measurement of HNO3 and NH3 are discussed. It is concluded that SO42-, SO2, NO3-, HNO3, NH4+, and NH3 concentrations can be measured with acceptable accuracy and precision when the MARGA is operated in conjunction with the recommendations outlined in the manuscript.


The international law on the use of force is one of the oldest branches of international law. It is an area twinned with the emergence of international law as a concept in itself, and which sees law and politics collide. The number of armed conflicts is equal only to the number of methodological approaches used to describe them. Many violent encounters are well known. The Kosovo Crisis in 1999 and the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 spring easily to the minds of most scholars and academics, and gain extensive coverage in this text. Other conflicts, including the Belgian operation in Stanleyville, and the Ethiopian Intervention in Somalia, are often overlooked to our peril. Ruys and Corten's expert-written text compares over sixty different instances of the use of cross border force since the adoption of the UN Charter in 1945, from all out warfare to hostile encounters between individual units, targeted killings, and hostage rescue operations, to ask a complex question. How much authority does the power of precedent really have in the law of the use of force?


Author(s):  
Nikolay Bobkin

The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-61
Author(s):  
Bayram Sinkaya ◽  
◽  
◽  

One of the lasting outcomes of the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the rising regional influence of Iran across the Middle East, which has been amplified by the dynamics of the region in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Since then,there are many academic and journalistic attempts to explain and understand Iran’s policies towards the region. Tabatabai’s No Conquest, No Defeat: Iran’s National Security Strategy is an attempt to explain Iran’s foreign and security policies, particularly towards the Middle East, by putting them into a historical and cultural context. A frequent contributor to the leading US think tanks and recently appointed as a senior advisor position at the US Department of State, Tabatabai considered her study to ‘sit at the intersection’ of Iran’s military history and its politics.


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo R. S. Ribeiro

<p>Desde 1912, inúmeros textos – romances, programas de rádio, histórias em quadrinhos, seriados de televisão, filmes – produziram e articularam representações da África em narrativas envolvendo Tarzan, criado pelo estadunidense Edgar Rice Burroughs (1875-1950). Tomando o nome de “África” como referência, os textos que orbitam e habitam o nome de “Tarzan” pertencem a uma genealogia ocidental e a uma história transcultural. Após abordar a economia da marca registrada “Tarzan ®” em sua circulação global, uma descrição breve e esquemática da filmografia de Tarzan me permite interrogar o que chamo de nomenclausura ocidentalista da “África”. Finalmente, por meio de uma leitura atenta de Moi, un noir (1959), de Jean Rouch, como um prisma através do qual a circulação global de Tarzan pode ser interpretada e reinventada, sugiro possibilidades de transbordamento imaginativo, abrindo o espaçamento transcultural da escritura da “África” como economia política do nome de “África”.</p><p> </p><p>Tarzan, a Black Man: Toward a Critique of the Polit Economy of the Name of “Africa”</p><p>Since 1912, countless texts – novels, radio shows, comic strips, television serials, films – have produced and articulated representations of Africa in narratives featuring Tarzan, a character created by the US author Edgar Rice Burroughs (1875-1950). Taking the name of “Africa” as a reference, the texts which surround and inhabit the name of “Tarzan” belong both to a Western genealogy and to a cross-cultural history. After examining the economy of the global circulation of the “Tarzan” trademark, I give a brief and schematic description of Tarzan’s filmography, which allows me to interrogate what I call the occidentalist name-in-closure of “Africa”. At last, by means of a close reading of Jean Rouch’s Moi, un noir (1959) as a prism through which Tarzan’s global circulation can be interpreted and reinvented, I suggest possibilities of imaginative overflow, opening up the cross-cultural spacing of the writing of “Africa” as political economy of the name of “Africa”.</p><p>Cinema | Africa | Tarzan | Racism</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
SERENA SOJIC-BORNE

This essay studies United States Marxist perspectives on China during US radicalism's decline in the mid-1970s. By the late 1960s, China's apparent synthesis of socialist and nationalist traditions inspired US Marxists to theorize a Chinese-led united front against American imperialism. However, China's opening up to the West in 1972 revealed US Marxists’ differing frameworks for understanding socialism and national liberation. Partly because of the confusion that followed, Marxist internationalism soon lost its intellectual weight on the US far left. Using archived Marxist periodicals from 1973 to 1979, I trace how this happened and what it meant for revolutionaries’ opposition to American empire.


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