scholarly journals Mount Longjiao’s “Capital of Immortals” [龍角仙都]: Representation and Evolution of a Sacred Site from the Tang Dynasty

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-178
Author(s):  
Wen Lei ◽  
Kathryn Henderson

AbstractThe Abbey Celebrating the Tang [Qingtang guan 慶唐觀], a Daoist temple on Mount Longjiao in southern Shanxi Province, played a special role in the religious history of China in the Tang dynasty. Because of the myth that Laozi himself emerged from this mountain during the war to found the Tang state, this abbey was closely linked to the political legitimation of the Tang. Even plants in this abbey were regarded as the harbingers of the fate of the state. The emperor Xuanzong erected a huge stele in the Abbey Celebrating the Tang, demonstrating the support enjoyed from the royal house. Images of the six emperors, from Tang Gaozu to Xuanzong, were also held in the abbey. After the collapse of the Tang dynasty in 907, the Abbey Celebrating the Tang lost its political, legitimizing privileges, but its connection with the local community continued to develop well into the Song, Liao, Jin, and later dynasties. The creation and transformation of the Abbey Celebrating the Tang not only show the political influence of popular religion in ancient medieval China but also provide an interesting case of how a Daoist temple grew in popularity and prestige after it lost favor with the state.

2021 ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
WANG JUNZHENG ◽  

The genesis and initial development of Bohai Buddhism is due to several factors. Firstly, the beginning of Buddhism in the Bohai State was laid by the penetration and influence of the Buddhist culture of the Sui and Tang dynasties; the carriers of this trend could be the Mohe from Yingzhou, who were part of the conglomerate of the creators of the state. Secondly, the integration of Goguryeo Buddhism and its followers who inhabited the Tumen River basin played a significant role. Later, the Buddhist culture of the Tang Dynasty exerted an ever-increasing influence on the development of Bohai Buddhism. With the development of the political system, cities and transport links in the Bohai State, Buddhism gradually became the dominant religious ideology in worldview and culture. Bohai Buddhism received its vivid expression in the construction of temples and pagodas. The architecture and decoration of Bohai's Buddhist temples and pagodas reflected their strong resemblance to the Buddhist culture of the Tang Dynasty. After the defeat of the Bohai State by the Khitan and the creation of the Liao Empire, Bohai Buddhism did not quickly disappear, its remains can be traced in the culture of the Bohai people that survived after the fall of the state, especially in the beliefs of the Bohai aristocracy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.


Healthcare ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Feinhandler ◽  
Benjamin Cilento ◽  
Brad Beauvais ◽  
Jordan Harrop ◽  
Lawrence Fulton

Coronavirus (COVID-19) is a potentially fatal viral infection. This study investigates geography, demography, socioeconomics, health conditions, hospital characteristics, and politics as potential explanatory variables for death rates at the state and county levels. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Census Bureau, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid, Definitive Healthcare, and USAfacts.org were used to evaluate regression models. Yearly pneumonia and flu death rates (state level, 2014–2018) were evaluated as a function of the governors’ political party using a repeated measures analysis. At the state and county level, spatial regression models were evaluated. At the county level, we discovered a statistically significant model that included geography, population density, racial and ethnic status, three health status variables along with a political factor. A state level analysis identified health status, minority status, and the interaction between governors’ parties and health status as important variables. The political factor, however, did not appear in a subsequent analysis of 2014–2018 pneumonia and flu death rates. The pathogenesis of COVID-19 has a greater and disproportionate effect within racial and ethnic minority groups, and the political influence on the reporting of COVID-19 mortality was statistically relevant at the county level and as an interaction term only at the state level.


Author(s):  
Liudmyla Herasina

Problem of setting. Public government – it political practice of power which is carried out within the limits of the constitutionally political system and has a direct influence on all industries of life of socium is important. An effective public management in Ukraine must provide the state of stability, implementation of social obligations the states, deserving a condition for realization of congratulatory, financial, spiritual and social necessities of citizens; but him high-quality indexes far imperfect and characterized the plural of problems. Recent research and publications analysis. The questions of modernization and reforms of the system of state administration, constructions of the legal, social state, social and political processes are actively probed in the scientific mind of Ukraine, by the necessity of achievement of balance between the vital necessities of societies and interests of the state. Quite a bit Ukrainian scientists were engaged in researches of these questions - V. Kostytsky, І. Kostytska, O. Koban, A. Kovalenko, O. Batanov, I. Reznik, G. Chapala, M. Pukhtinskiy et al. Paper objective – ground of position, that a public management in Ukraine, which is carried out by public organs, local self-government, political parties and groups of political influence, must correlate with public resonance, to support the legitimity and answer to the innovative tendencies. Paper main body. A management in the public sphere of the state is very difficult professional activity, and foresees state and legal responsibility and account of public interests and expectations. However, disfunctions and destructions of public management can draw social and political instability, cutback of economic activity or regress, even weakening of sovereignty of the state. The criteria of political modernization matter very much for modern Ukraine: capacity of the political system for perception of innovations and mobilization of resources of power, structural and functional perfection of institutes of policy, powerful «social elevators» for equal access of people to imperious positions, effectiveness of principle of «equality all before a law». To Ukraine, as to the young state which passed by democratic transit, naturally peculiar strategy of reforms. Reformation is a not workaday situation for a country, it generates calls and problems. Among them most difficult is destructive of political power, what democratic development of country and becoming of civil institutes is braked through. Sociological researches rotined that a population considered: «The state must take more responsibility in providing of life of citizens» (68,6%). Stably negative is attitude of people toward a department judicial, which loses a «social capital» through inability to the just legal proceeding and mercenary political interests. In the end, unique reform 2014, that purchased positive social resonance is the process of decentralization the public power and strengthening of local self-government, which is mainly approved by citizens. Conclusions of the research. Problems of public management and collision of reforms are the sign of modern democracies which are modernized. The political system and public management can be effectively modernized at the maintainance of their integrity, institutional memory and, at the same time, harmonious relationships with a social environment.


Author(s):  
M.A. Manokhina ◽  

The problem of reception of the antiquity through tapestries in the Russian historiography was considered. Using as an example the Flemish tapestries of the 15th–16th centuries from the Collection of the State Hermitage Museum, the transformation and popularity of ancient motifs in this art form were demonstrated, as well as their special role in the propaganda of power, high social status, and wealth. The following main elements of tapestries were analyzed: subjects, characters, costumes, and Latin banderoles. The methodology of tapestry analysis is similar to the one used by structuralists: an additional link (customer) is introduced in the author – text – reader research field. The subjects of the tapestries were compared with the plots of the corresponding ancient literary sources. As a result, it was concluded about different perception of the antiquity in the literature and fine arts. Tapestries reflect the attitude of customers to the political reality of that time. The Northern Renaissance and how it was influenced by the ideas of humanists embodied in the tapestries was discussed.


Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.


The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.


Author(s):  
Keren Sasson

This chapter pertains to exploring the political resurgence of religion, seeking to answer the pressing question of first, what accounts for religious revival in the age of globalization and second, what accounts for the political success or failure of religious movements, mostly in terms of exerting political influence on their domestic spheres and arenas. In order to answer these questions, this chapter delineates the conditions under which the needs and imperatives of both religious movements and the political establishment of the state are conflictual or reconcilable. To this end, the intriguing case of the Egyptian Moslem Brotherhood will be analyzed, illustrating the shifting boundaries of Islam from its traditional civil realm to the political order of the state and distilling movement's trajectories in its quest for political prominence in the age of globalization. The theoretical and empirical sections of this chapter, then, proffer an interesting prism to the study of the broader linkage between religion and politics in the developing world, especially among non-democratic, or quasi-democracies countries, as found in the Arab Middle East, where religion has experienced recurrent revivals in presence and significance in states' social and political domains


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1287
Author(s):  
Adel Hamzah OTHMAN

Humanitarian intervention is often seen as a factor of increasing the level of political presence in one state by another due to its impact on socio-economic processes. Moreover, the presence of the state itself and its government or army is not required. International organizations are used in most cases. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is now understood as an instrument of soft power, coupled with the use of the international community in the context of cross-cutting information. The novelty of the article is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is considered not only as an instrument of political influence, but also as a mechanism for participation in the economic environment of society. The paper shows that under the conditions of the distribution of crisis economic phenomena, humanitarian intervention can only aggravate the situation of the state. It was determined that the most effective tool to increase the political rating of other state is the recovery period after emergency situations. The authors show the mechanism for using the mandatory procedures for the restoration of the country using a political instrument from the most financially secure states. The practical significance of the paper is determined by the need to form a mechanism for differentiating the political impact in the process of restoring the state after an emergency.


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