Military Rule in South Korea Revisited: Different Survival Strategies and Different Pathways

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-429
Author(s):  
Bon Sang Koo
Keyword(s):  
Financial Liberalization ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Survival Strategies ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Potential Threat ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This paper revisits the military rule in Korea by paying attention, like Korean specialists, to the disconnection in dictatorship but like comparativists, using the tools in comparative studies of modern authoritarian regimes. This paper argues that the differences in the military leaders’ orientations (personalist vs. party-based type) and survival strategies to deal with potential threat sources (key insiders, political opponents, and economic elites) entailed different regime pathways. Examining (a) how to form a ruling group in terms of unity (competing factions vs. a single dominant faction), (b) how to control the legislative branch (directly controlled organization vs. opposition parties indirectly supported by the government), and (c) how to manage capital owners (tight constraints vs. financial liberalization with occasional punishments), this paper provides an explanation as to why only the second military regime was able to open the door to democratization instead of giving way to authoritarian replacement in Korea.

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Water Sharing ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

The Price of Violence

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-569
Author(s):  
Jerome Greenfield
Keyword(s):  
Decisive Role ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Fiscal System ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Abstract Much of the nature of French imperialism in Algeria can be explained through an analysis of its financial underpinnings, a subject generally neglected by historians. This article recounts the creation of a colonial fiscal system during the period of the French conquest of Algeria from the 1830s to the 1850s. It argues that money played a decisive role in shaping relations between metropolitan officials and the military leaders who comprised the “men on the spot.” While the French presence in Algeria was to an extent rationalized in terms of imparting “civilization,” the need for money exacerbated the army's tendency to rule through violence. This brutality alienated metropolitan elites, pushing the government to exert greater control over Algerian affairs. Here, money provided crucial leverage, given Algeria's financial dependence on the metropole. In this manner, finance decisively shaped the formation of the French state in Algeria. Souvent négligée par les historiens, l'étude des finances est essentielle pour comprendre l'impérialisme français en Algérie. Cet article traite de l'essor du système fiscal colonial pendant la conquête de l'Algérie. Il souligne le rôle que l'argent a joué dans les relations entre les fonctionnaires métropolitains et les commandants de l'armée en Afrique, « les hommes sur place ». Alors que la présence française en Algérie était en partie justifiée par le projet de « civilisation », les besoins financiers ont exacerbé la disposition de l'armée à gouverner par la violence. Cette brutalité a désenchanté les élites métropolitaines, encourageant le gouvernement à exercer plus de contrôle en Algérie, et pour cela l'argent était indispensable, compte tenu de la dépendance financière de la colonie sur la métropole. Les finances ont donc exercé une influence décisive sur le développement de l'Etat français en Algérie.

Myanmar government-military ties could be at risk

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Ethnic Minority Groups ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Civilian Leaders ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Significance The response underlines the military's continued internal security role but, given that the restive areas are home to large Rohingya populations, also highlights residual political sensitivity about the military's position and the importance of effective government-military relations. Impacts An immediate trigger for civil-military frictions could be a breakdown in peace negotiations with ethnic minority groups. The government will struggle to convince military leaders that wide concessions to armed ethnic groups are needed. Centralisation of power within the NLD will hamper junior civilian leaders gaining experience of working with the military. In time, the military's economic influence will be politically problematic for the NLD.

Infusion of the Common Law into the Legal System of Israel

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Friedmann
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Executive Authority ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
Civil Courts

At the end of the Ottoman rule the legal system in Israel was ripe for change. The British conquest was welcomed, at least by the Jewish population, and under the circumstances there was no objection to absorbing the legal system of the new conqueror.British conquest in 1917 brought military rule but by 1920 a civil administration headed by High Commissioner Sir Herbert Samuel had already been installed. On July 24, 1922 the League of Nations bestowed upon Britain the Mandate over Palestine, and less than a month thereafter, on August 10, 1922, the Palestine Order-in-Council was enacted. This legislation was designed to serve as a “Constitution” for Mandatory Palestine. It established institutions of the Government—the executive authority, the legislative branch, the judiciary—and defined their powers. In particular, the sources of law to be applied by the civil courts were enumerated in Art. 46, while matters of personal status jurisdiction remained vested in the courts of the various religious communities.

Regime and Leader Instability Under Two Forms of Military Rule

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nam Kyu Kim ◽  
Alex M. Kroeger
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Stylized Facts ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Autocratic Regimes

The finding that military regimes are more fragile than other authoritarian regimes represents one of the few stylized facts in comparative politics. However, the existing literature contains substantial differences in the theoretical explanations for military regime instability and operationalizations of military rule. To assess competing explanations, we examine regime and leader instability after distinguishing between collegial and personalist military rule. We show that regime and leader insecurity characterize only collegial military regimes. Particularly, the fragility of collegial military regimes comes from a heightened likelihood of democratization, not more frequent transitions to alternative autocratic regimes. In addition, leaders of collegial military regimes face higher risks of both regular and irregular turnovers than other autocrats. Also, irregular exits of collegial military leaders tend to occur through reshuffling, rather than regime-changing, coups. The results strongly support theories focusing on military officers’ preference for unity over other explanations.

Anatomy of the Egyptian Counterrevolution

2014 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev
Keyword(s):  
Urban Poor ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.

Deodoro da Fonseca, Fate's Dictator

1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
Charles Willis Simmons
Keyword(s):  
Military Leaders ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Republican Revolution ◽  
Benjamin Constant ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The November 15, 1889, republican revolution in Brazil was led by a man who was a monarchist and an ardent admirer of the emperor whom he deprived of throne and country. This man, Deodoro da Fonseca, believed in constitutionalism and was forced by fate to become Brazil's first dictator. It is unfortunate that Marshal Deodoro's last few years of life made his name synonomous with the arbitrary use and abuse of power. This study seeks to explain fate's part in creating this dictator image and to modify and to mitigate that word when it is used to describe the man who became Brazil's first president.The revolution which made Deodoro provisional president was engineered by republican agitators who manipulated the military leaders in such a manner that they administered the coup de grace to the magnanimous reign of Dom Pedro II. Military leaders had been convinced by a series of incidents dating back two decades that the políticos who controlled the government sought to restrict their prestige and authority. By 1889, these leaders were convinced that further concessions would lead to dishonor. Benjamin Constant and Aristides Lobo with difficulty convinced a reluctant Deodoro that he must act if the honor of the military class was to be saved.

scholarly journals Pakistan in 2020

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-193
Author(s):  
Sahar Shafqat
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Pakistan began the year with the military establishment having tightened its grip on political institutions, but as the year progressed, opposition parties sought to reassert themselves and challenged both the PTI government and military leaders. Political movements took center stage as religious extremists as well as regionalist movements drew strength from the challenges to the PTI government. Feminists demanded action after a series of sexual assaults, and religious minorities continued to be targeted by violence. The COVID pandemic upended the economy, which was already straining under low growth and high debt and deficit conditions. Foreign relations provided many challenges as the government sought to target India for its mistreatment of Kashmiris, while the Pakistan–China relationship remained strong.

scholarly journals Islamism in the Political Strategy of Pakistan (Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries)

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-83
Author(s):  
А. М. Родригес-Фернандес
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Tribal Sovereignty ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Governmental Strategy

В статье рассматриваются основные направления во внутренней и внешней политике Пакистана в конце XX — начале XXI века. Сформировавшаяся в это время правительственная стратегия была не только подготовлена предшествующими 2–3 десятилетиями развития, но и до сих пор является преобладающей либо в открытой, либо в слегка завуалированной форме. Характерно, что именно в этот период (12 октября 1999 г.) произошел военный переворот и новый военный диктатор генерал Первез Мушарраф объявил о задачах экономического оздоровления страны и создания «реальной», то есть мусульманской, демократии. Это означало, что при подавлении антиправительственных и экстремистских группировок новая власть делает резкий крен в сторону государственного исламизма и скрытой поддержке движения «Талибан» в Афганистане и «полосе независимых племён» (территория Пакистана вдоль афганской границы). Важной особенностью этого периода был не потерявший значения в дальнейшем союз исламистов и военной элиты, подготовленной в основном в Англии. Улемы поднимают в нужное время волну общественного недовольства и гражданского неповиновения, а армия устанавливает власть на длительное время и обеспечивает радикальным улемам высокие позиции в государственной иерархии. В статье использованы разнообразные по характеру источники по современной политической, социально-экономической и этноконфессиональной ситуации в Пакистане и Афганистане, включенные в сборник документов пакистанского исследователя Аалима. Интересные детали о военных лидерах Пакистана и реформаторской деятельности правительства к XX — началу XXI века приводятся в библиографических заметках американского эксперта С. Пауэра и пакистанского чиновника Ф. Шотойса. The article treats major trends of Pakistan’s domestic and foreign policy in the late 20th — early 21st centuries. The governmental strategy that was formed in the aforementioned period was prepared by the two or three preceding decades and still prevails in an overt or covert form. It should be noted that during the period there was a military coup (October 12, 1999) and the new military dictator Pervez Musharraf underlined the necessity to revive the economy of the country and to create Muslim democracy. It signified that by suppressing antigovernment extremists the new government favored Political Islamism, covertly supported the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and tribal sovereignty along the Durand Line. An important characteristic of the period was the coalition of the Islamists and the pro-English military elite. The ulama provoked social unrest and civil disobedience while the army usurped the power and enabled radical ulama to acquire high posts in the government. The article analyzes various documents collected by a Pakistani researcher Aalim and dealing with the contemporary political, social, economic, ethnic and confessional situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The article also analyzes bibliographic notes of an American expert S. Power and a Pakistani official Ph. Shotois about the military leaders of Pakistan and the reforms initiated by the Pakistan government in the 20th— early 21st centuries.

scholarly journals ALGERIA: IS THERE A WIND OF CHANGE AFTER THE ELECTIONS OF 2017 AND THE REVOLUTION OF 2019?

2019 ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
P. M. Ignatiev
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
International Prices ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Subsidies ◽  
The Military

The top oil and gas producer Algeria with a huge land area is of strategic importance for Europe because of the proximity to this continent. However, this country remains frozen in time with undeveloped oil-dependant economy, considerable state subsidies and omnipresent security apparatus. Being surrounded by unstable Tunisia, Libya, Niger, Mali, and by regional adversary Morocco, Algeria has no choice but to devote considerable funds to defense purposes. It is important to state that such budget allocations were acceptable when international prices of crude oil were substantial. Now, in order to fulfill various social obligations, the government has to use extensively forex reserves. The former President Abdulaziz Bouteflika had been ill since 2012 and the country was clandestinely ruled by the alliance of his brother Said, Bouteflika, party leaders of National Liberation Front and the military brass. Today after the People’s revolution of 2019 they have to make a choice – to continue with the current policy of de-facto military rule and face another revolution or slowly liberalize from the top. The author makes an attempt to analyze how Algeria is trying to cope with the most recent challenges without major reforms. Key words: Algeria, Morocco, the Russian Federation, China, subsidies, oil and gas, military spending, pipeline, reforms.

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