scholarly journals Transparency, Protest, and Autocratic Instability

2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 764-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES R. HOLLYER ◽  
B. PETER ROSENDORFF ◽  
JAMES RAYMOND VREELAND
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
Belief Formation ◽  
Economic Data ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mass Protest

The collapse of autocratic regimes is often brought about through large-scale mobilization and collective action by elements of the populace. The willingness of any given member of the public to participate in actions such as strikes and protests is contingent upon her beliefs about others’ willingness to similarly mobilize. In this article, we examine the effect of a specific form of transparency—the disclosure of economic data by the government—on citizen belief formation, and consequently on collective mobilization. We present a theoretical model in which, under autocratic rule, transparency increases the frequency of protests, and increases the extent to which protest is correlated with incumbent performance. We find empirical support for these claims. Transparency destabilizes autocracies via mass protest.

scholarly journals Elinor Ostrom: proving the effectiveness of collective action in management (the Noble Prize in Economics in 2009 “for research in the field of economic organization”)

2017 ◽  
pp. 127-139
Author(s):  
Oksana Shymanska
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Empirically Supported ◽  
Use Of Resources ◽  
Human Organization ◽  
The Government

The article substantiates Elinor Ostrom’s contribution to the theory of collective management of property. The author outlines solutions to problems of the most optimal use of scarce natural resources and their economically relevant preservation in a long-term perspective. The research paper affirms the idea that it is not only the government who can solve the problem of efficient use of resources for public purposes. It is proved that collective decisions can be made in the management of resources, under which the latter are maintained in good conditions while being used for general public. The most accepted models (‘the tragedy of the commons’, ‘the prisoner’s dilemma’, ‘the logic of collective action’) are examined. The above- mentioned models are frequently used as tools to study cases of economic policy-making in allocating scarce resources for public purposes, and as a concept for analyzing problems of individuals who seek to achieve collective benefits. It is emphasized that there is a need for a balanced application of the above models as metaphors, which substitute solid foundations of the economic policy, since the limitations suggested for easing the analysis are accepted without reservation as permanent empirical requirements that remain as such until adjustments are made by the government. Special emphasis is placed on the importance of developing the theory of human organization based on realistic assessments of human possibilities and limitations that arise when a number of various situations related to using public goods are to be resolved. It is stressed that the empirically supported theories of human organization as an important component of study on economic policy are able to complement the solutions with estimates of the most likely effect of using many ways of organizing human activities. It is concluded that E. Ostrom’s experimental research in the field of natural resources management can be used to solve large-scale range of issues related to the production of public goods.

Collective conflict in the public sector in France

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Public Enterprises ◽  
Roles And Responsibilities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.

Collective Action and Political Change: Public and Semipublic Strategies of Brazilian Rural Movements (1990s–2017)

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Priscila Delgado de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

A study of the Brazilian Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores during recent moments of regime change suggests two main strategies for understanding the impacts of political change on social movement action: assessing the degree of political proximity between activists and the government and the presence or absence of institutional venues for interaction and looking beyond the public expressions of contention to consider semipublic action. When there is political proximity the public activities of movements tend to be less contentious, and when there are institutional venues for interaction protests will be routinized rather than disruptive. When proximity is lacking activists are likely to perform disruptive protests and to give priority to disputing meanings within society and within their own constituencies. Um estudo do Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores do Brasil durante momentos recentes de mudança de regime sugere duas estratégias principais para entender os impactos das mudanças políticas na ação do movimento social: avaliar o grau de proximidade política entre ativistas e o governo e a presença ou ausência de espaços institucionais para interação e olhar além das expressões públicas de discórdia para considerar a ação semipública. Quando há proximidade política, as atividades públicas dos movimentos tendem a ser menos contenciosas e, quando existem canais institucionais para interação, tende-se a rotinas de protestos pouco disruptivos. Quando falta proximidade, é provável que os ativistas dêem prioridade a protestos disruptivos e a disputas de significados na sociedade e dentro de seus próprios quadros.

The Political Economy of Privatisation

1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Rowthorn ◽  
Ha-Joon Chang
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Private Enterprise ◽  
Public Enterprise ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Government

This paper examines some of the main arguments relating to the effect of privatisation on efficiency. It is concerned with both narrow economic issues and wider political issues. After a critical examination of some theories, which assert that private ownership is intrinsically more efficient than public ownership, it is argued that for large scale enterprise there are no strong economic reasons for believing in the superiority of private enterprise. As long as the government in question has the will and the power to make a public enterprise function in a socially efficient fashion, the public enterprise may be just as efficient as private enterprise whilst offering additional economic and social advantages.

scholarly journals Effectiveness of Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) toward the New Normal Era during COVID-19 Outbreak: a Mini Policy Review

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Andriani, S.Si, Apt, M.Sc, Ph.D
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Preventive Measure ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
New Normal ◽  
Small Communities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Better Regulation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Abstract. The government of Indonesia has not used lockdown or quarantine as an option to tackle the spread of Coronavirus, as the impact of lockdown on small communities in the informal sector that lives from daily income will be severe. Alternatively, the government is enforcing Large-Scale Social Restrictions (Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar or "PSBB") to respond to the state of emergency in public health. Starting in June 2020, the government has implemented transitional PSBB in some red zone areas, including the capital Jakarta and East Java province, despite the surge in case numbers. This paper aims to investigate the effectiveness of the PSBB policy applied in Indonesia during the COVID-19 outbreak and the readiness to embrace the new normal, between April and June 2020, based on rapid literature analysis in a search on Medline(-Pubmed), government speeches and reports, social and mass media platforms. Implementation of PSBB is a preventive measure to combat Coronavirus’ spread in some Indonesian areas. Indonesia should not be in a “new normal” situation. The transitional PSBB phase serves as an early chapter of a new normal that would apply only to strategic sectors with manageable risks combined with better regulation and compliance by the public. Abstrak. Pemerintah Indonesia tidak menggunakan lockdown atau karantina sebagai opsi untuk mengatasi penyebaran Coronavirus, karena dampak lockdown pada komunitas kecil di sektor informal yang hidup dari pendapatan harian akan memburuk. Pemerintah menegakkan Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar (PSBB) sebagai respons terhadap keadaan darurat dalam kesehatan masyarakat. Sejak bulan Juni 2020, pemerintah telah menerapkan transisi PSBB di beberapa daerah zona merah, termasuk di provinsi DKI Jakarta dan Jawa Timur, meskipun ada peningkatan jumlah kasus. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki efektivitas kebijakan PSBB yang diterapkan di Indonesia selama wabah COVID-19 dan kesiapan untuk memasuki Adaptasi Kebiasaan Baru (AKB), antara bulan April dan Juni 2020, berdasarkan analisis literatur cepat dalam pencarian Medline (-Pubmed), pidato dan laporan pemerintah, platform media sosial dan media massa. Implementasi PSBB adalah langkah pencegahan untuk memerangi penyebaran Coronavirus di beberapa wilayah Indonesia. Indonesia seharusnya tidak berada dalam situasi AKB. Fase PSBB transisi berfungsi sebagai bab awal dari AKB yang hanya akan berlaku pada sektor strategis dengan risiko yang dapat dikelola bersamaan dengan regulasi dan kepatuhan public yang lebih baik.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Hukum Islam Pada Edaran Pemerintah dan MUI Dalam Menyikapi Wabah Covid-19 Setelah Pemberlakuan New Normal

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Cholisa Rosanti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
New Normal ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Normative Approach ◽  
The World ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Government

This study discusses the Covid-19 virus that is spreading in the world and its handling from the government and MUI after the implementation of new normal according to Islamic law. The government implements a large-scale social restrictions system (PSBB) or social distancing to break the chain of the spread of the covid-19 virus. The government has implemented new normal rules. MUI has issued a notice numbered Kep-1188 / DP-MUI / V / 2020 concerning new normalcy that will be applied by the government such as reopening places of worshipaccording to the health protocol. Nevertheless, this circular is a pros and cons for some people. The purpose of this study is to help the public understand whether the government and MUI circulars in tackling the plague after applying the new normal according to the Shari'a or actually contrary to Islamic Sharia. The research method is the study of literature literature with a normative approach and historical approach. The results of the study showed that the rules imposed by the government and MUI in dealing with the outbreak of Covid-19 pacsa new normal did not disregard Islamic law.

scholarly journals Efektivitas Penetapan PSBB Dalam Menurunkan Perilaku Konsumtif Masyarakat Pada Masa Covid-19

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-98
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fikri Haekal ◽  
Muhammad Supian ◽  
Winda Sabrina
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Public ◽  
Hand Sanitizer ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Consumptive Behavior ◽  
Buying In ◽  
Modern Retailers

The spread of virus covid-19 nowadays has influenced the behavior of people around the world, with Indonesians are no exceptions. Shortly after President Joko Widodo announced 1 or 2 patient positive with covid-19, the public is seen doing panic buying in a number of modern retailers. In some cases like buying large amount of hand sanitizer until it became rare on the market. The effect of covid-19 also caused the government to established Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) policy in areas that going through high cases of covid-19 spreading with the aim of preventing chances of wider spread. However, whether the establishment of PSBB has an influence on consumptive behavior of people living in those areas?. To answer this problem, researchers conducted an experiment related to effectiveness of the establishment of PSBB policy to people in Banjarmasin. This city was chosen because it is one of the areas which the government adopted PSBB policy, making it easier for researchers to collecting necessary data in this study.   Keywords: covid-19, consumptive behavior, PSBB, Banjarmasin City   Abstrak Penyebaran virus covid-19 saat ini telah mempengaruhi perilaku masyarakat di dunia, tidak terkecuali masyarakat Indonesia. Tak lama setelah Presiden Joko Widodo mengumumkan 1 dan 2 pasien yang positif covid-19, masyarakat terlihat melakukan aksi panic buying di sejumlah ritel modern. Seperti dalam beberapa kasus ada yang membeli hand sanitizer dalam jumlah yang sangat banyak sehingga hand sanitizer menjadi sesuatu yang langka di pasaran. Pengaruh virus covid-19 ini juga menyebabkan pemerintah menetapkan Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar (PSBB) pada daerah-daerah yang mengalami kasus penyebaran covid-19 yang sedemikian rupa dengan tujuan mencegah kemungkinan penyebaran yang lebih luas. Namun, apakah penetapan PSBB tersebut memberikan pengaruh terhadap perilaku konsumtif masyarakat yang tinggal di daerah tersebut?. Untuk menjawab permasalahan ini, penulis melakukan penelitian eksperimen terkait efektivitas penetapan PSBB tersebut pada masyarakat kota Banjarmasin. Kota Banjarmasin dipilih karena merupakan salah satu daerah yang ditetapkannya PSBB oleh pemerintah. Sehingga memudahkan penulis dalam mengumpulkan data yang dibutuhkan dalam penelitian ini. Kata kunci: covid-19, perilaku konsumtif, PSBB, kota Banjarmasin

scholarly journals Is the Private Sector more Productive than the Public Sector?

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4II) ◽  
pp. 721-729
Author(s):  
Khwaja Sarmad
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Private Investment ◽  
Total Production ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

In developing countries the rapid growth of the public sector during the past few decades was viewed as an important means for accelerating the pace of economic growth. In most developing countries the public sector now accounts for a prominent share of total production and investment. But the contribution of the public sector to growth has been much below expectations. In many cases public enterprises require large subsidies from the government and impose a significant fiscal burden on the economy, which leads to the notion that the private sector is much more productive than the public sector. However, little empirical work has been done in this field so that the proposals that emphasize the private sector vis-a-vis the public sector rest largely on theoretical considerations. Recent work by Khan and Reinhart (1990) is an important exception. Using cross-section data for the seventies of 24 developing countries they show that the arguments favouring the private sector in adjustment programmes have empirical support. Khan and Reinhart estimate a growth model in which the effect of private and public investment on growth is separated. A comparison of the marginal productivities of the two types of investment allows them to conclude that "all in all, there does seem to be some merit in the key role assigned to private investment in the development process by supporters of market -based strategies". [Khan and Reinhart (1990), p. 25.]

A New Concept of the Public-Private Partnerships in the UK

2014 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
V. Varnavskii
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
Waste Utilization ◽  
Public Private Partnerships ◽  
Insurance Companies ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Investment Projects ◽  
The Public ◽  
Private Finance ◽  
The Government

A new Public-Private Partnerships concept Private Finance 2 (PF2) adopted by UK government instead of the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) is analyzing. PF2 follows the Open Public Services Program according to recent changes in the economic policy. A description and evaluation of PFI concept are given. The reasons for termination of PFI are also revealed. Special attention is paid to the new problems of the Concept, as an access to lax credit, concerning the public sector as an equal co-investor, and risks reduction. The increased importance of institutional investors such as banks, funds, insurance companies, international export-import agencies is shown.The paper is partly devoted to the issues of PFI/PF2 administration in UK. The role of governing authorities in Public-Private Partnerships implementation and their standing in the government structure are disclosed and analyzed as well as their functions and outcomes of their activities. PF2 reaffirms UK government’s commitment to Public-Private Partnerships. It remains to be a predominant form of drawing private investments into infrastructure development. The British government hopes that PF2 will increase private sector interest to finance public investment projects such as schools, roads, hospitals, waste utilization and other large-scale infrastructure.

scholarly journals Rebel constituencies and rebel violence against civilians in civil conflicts

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Ottmann
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Violent Behavior ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Predatory Behavior ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government

This article examines how the civilian constituencies of rebel groups affect their use of violence against civilians. While past research has acknowledged the importance of rebel constituencies, they are primarily seen as only having an indirect effect on rebel behavior. In this study, I conceptualize rebel constituencies as central political opportunity structures for rebel groups providing incentives and imposing restraints on their use of strategic violence and the violent behavior of individual rebel fighters. In particular, I hypothesize that a constituency overlap between rebels and the government of a state acts as a restraint making large-scale violence against civilians less likely. In contrast, high levels of constituency fractionalization and polarization induce strategic violence and predatory behavior, increasing the chances of large-scale civilian victimization. I conduct a statistical analysis of rebel one-sided violence in sub-Saharan Africa using newly collected data on rebel constituencies to test these hypotheses. The results only provide limited empirical support for the hypothesized relationship between constituency overlap and rebel violence against civilians. There is clear empirical evidence, however, that heavily fractionalized and polarized rebel constituencies are associated with higher levels of violence against civilians.

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