Corruption as systemic political decay

2019 ◽  
pp. 019145371986826
Author(s):  
Camila Vergara
Keyword(s):  
Political Corruption ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normal Functioning ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The One ◽  
Systemic Corruption

By offering an analysis of different conceptions of corruption connected to the political regime and contingency in which they developed, the article retrieves a systemic meaning of political corruption. Through the works of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius and Machiavelli, it reconstructs a dimension of political corruption particular to popular governments and also engages with recent neo-republican and institutionalist attempts at redefining political corruption. The article concludes that we still lack a proper conception of systemic corruption comparable to the one of the Ancients because we are yet unable to account for the role procedures and institutions play in fostering corruption through their normal functioning and what this means for liberal democratic regimes.

Corruption as Political Decay

2020 ◽  
pp. 13-42
Author(s):  
Camila Vergara
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Socioeconomic Inequality ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Normal Functioning ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Systemic Corruption

This chapter begins by providing a diagnosis for the crisis of democracy based on systemic corruption. After reconstructing from the works of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, and Niccolò Machiavelli, a notion of systemic political corruption particular to popular governments, it reviews recent neorepublican and institutionalist attempts at redefining political corruption within the current political regimes. It also underscores the lack of a proper conception of systemic corruption comparable in sophistication to the one offered by ancient and modern philosophers due to the inability to account for the role that procedures and institutions play in fostering corruption through their normal functioning. The chapter proposes a definition of systemic corruption as the oligarchization of power transpiring within a general respect for the rule of law. It describes the conception of corruption that appears as intrinsically connected to increasing socioeconomic inequality, which enables the inequality of political influence and drift toward oligarchic democracy.

Studying Political Leadership: The Case of François Mitterrand

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole
Keyword(s):  
General Framework ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Environmental Constraints ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The One

The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.

Notables, Bourgeoisie, Popular Classes, and Politics

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-287
Author(s):  
Marco Meriggi
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small States ◽  
National Unification ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
The One

In recent years Italian social historians have devoted increasing attention to the nature and morphology of the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Traditional historiography viewed the bourgeoisie as key par excellence to the political change played out between 1859 and 1871. It was seen, on the one hand, as integral to the formation of a liberal political regime based on a limited suffrage, and, on the other, as critical to the outcome of the peninsula's national unification of a dozen small states, most of which were previously governed by absolutist regimes.

Political Regimes, Economic Freedom, Institutions and Growth

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdiweli M. Ali ◽  
W. Mark Crain
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Civil Liberty ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The impact of political systems on economic growth cannot be understood solely in terms of a simple distinction between democratic and non-democratic regimes. The democratic character of the political regime may be irrelevant when economic freedom is assessed independently from political freedom and civil liberty. This paper uses newly constructed measures of economic freedom by Gwartney-Lawson-Block [1996]. The empirical results of this paper show that economic freedom contributes to economic growth irrespective of the nature of the political regime. The empirical results also indicate that the effect of democracy on economic growth is ambiguous at best. Nonetheless, democracy may have some effect on economic growth, operating indirectly through the investment channel.

Corporate Regulation on the Plane of Political Regime: Theoretical and Legal Aspects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.G. Tirskikh ◽  
◽  
G.V. Druzhinin ◽  
I.M. Siliveev ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Public Corporations ◽  
Liberal Democratic

The article examines the problems of corporate regulation and political regime mutual influence, and describes the role and place of corporate regulation in the system of social and normative regulation. The corporate law structure is described as a set of corporate and legal norms from the point of view of narrow and broad approaches. Some features of corporate regulation in liberal, democratic, totalitarian and authoritarian regimes are analyzed. It is noted that a democratic political regime is characterized by a variety of corporate structures of a commercial and political nature, the predominance of the dispositive nature of the corporations’ activities legal regulation, and the admissibility of political and public corporations’ broad participation in government. The authors note that in a liberal political regime, there is a high degree of commercial corporations’ autonomy, while limiting the political and social corporations’ activities. The author reveals a variety of approaches to the manifestation of corporate regulation in authoritarian political regimes. It is described that in a totalitarian political regime, corporations actually become a part of the state mechanism, and corporate regulation is actually replaced by direct or delegated regulation of individual executive bodies. It is concluded that there is a connection between the nature of corporate regulation and the political regime of the respective state. It is established that the influence is mutual and stable and is determined both by the properties of certain types of political regimes and by the specifics of national systems of corporate regulation.

Politicized Democracy: Competition, Institutions, and “Civic Fatigue” in Brazil

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Power
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Political System ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

Brazil began the 1990s the same way it began the 1980s: in crisis. A decade ago, popular dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system was at an all-time high. As the legitimacy of the military regime installed in 1964 gradually dissipated, political and military elites turned their attention to the question of what kind of regime would be able to replace the one which was disintegrating. In one important aspect their vision coincided with the aspirations of the general population: the new political regime would have to be based on increased competition. Military elites would yield executive power, and the civilian politicians replacing them would agree to submit themselves to the popular verdict.

scholarly journals The political crisis of power in modern Venezuela: Reasons, dynamics, prospects of resolution

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-507
Author(s):  
Andrei G. Bolshakov ◽  
◽  
Timur Z. Mansurov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Constructive Dialogue ◽  
The One

The article examines the features and contradictions of resolving the political crisis in Venezuela. The authors analyze the activities of the direct parties to the conflict (the ruling regime led by current President Nicolas Maduro and the political opposition supported by the country’s Parliament) to resolve it and get the country out of the impasse. The work emphasizes the importance of socio-economic reasons that led to the emergence of the political crisis and the emergence of political forces, on the one hand, defending the ideas of socialist development, and, on the other, the values of the liberal — democratic structure of the state. The authors focus on the mechanisms and ways of resolving the political crisis implemented by Latin American countries, non-regional states and international organizations. However, their activities, as the study shows, are not effective enough since the national interests of states have a superior influence over the needs of stabilizing the political situation in the country and resolving the crisis. The authors examine the contradictions that prevent the beginning of a constructive dialogue between the parties of the conflict, supported by various segments of the population. The effectiveness of various international platforms and negotiation formats aimed at finding and developing solutions to the current crisis, compromises, and areas of joint activity is analyzed. As a result of the research, the authors come to the conclusion that at present it is necessary to cooperate more closely with both the ruling political elite and the opposition, despite the polar views of their representatives, as well as to expand the number of states in order to form a more objective negotiation process and achieve mutually acceptable solutions.

scholarly journals Damascio y el cierre de la escuela neoplatónica de Atenas

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 173 ◽  
Author(s):  
José M. ZAMORA
Keyword(s):  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Liberty Of Conscience ◽  
The One

In 529, Justinian, seeing the unity of the Christian Empire threatened, orders the closing of Athens'Neoplatonic School, which had recently been restored by Damascius. The last diadochus and their followers go then to exile in Persia, where the political regime of King Chosroes guarantees them liberty of conscience. However, soon disappointed by a political reality very different from the one they had expected to find, some of them go back to their homeland, while some others scatter all over the Byzantine Empire.

scholarly journals Investigating the Causes of Political Crises in the Achaemenid Kingdom from Consolidating Power to the Deterioration and Destruction

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Historical Sociology ◽  
Danube River ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Discrimination ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The One ◽  
Ancient Persia ◽  
Military Status

The Achaemenids are one of the most powerful and lasting dynasties in ancient Persia, founded by Cyrus the Great. The territory of this dynasty was very wide, extending from the Sind Valley in India to the Nile in Egypt and the Benghazi area in Libya today and from the Danube River in Europe to Central Asia. In this vast state, many tribes lived in their own customs, and maintained their own state and ethnic culture. In fact, the country's most important characteristic was respect for individual and ethnic freedom and the respect for law and order, and the encouragement of indigenous arts and culture as well as the promotion of commerce and art. This authoritative and widespread government process continued to evolve to a point where the dynasty led to the collapse of this powerful dynasty. In this paper, the authors' efforts are about providing a consistent answer to the question what is the most important reason for the collapse and annihilation of the Achaemenid kingdom? The hypothesis that authors will experiment with the methodology of historical sociology and the use of written and librarian resources will be based on the principle that the causes of tyranny, injustice, racial and religious discrimination, the change of military status and the Achaemenid Kings' nationalist veins were confronted with widespread protests and revolts. The findings of the paper, based on the theory of political instability, David Saunders, confirm that the change in the political regime includes changes in norms and laws, the occurrence of successful coups and the change of military status on the one hand and the challenge to the political regime and government including riots and political rallies, unsuccessful coups and deaths from political violence led to the collapse and decline of the Achaemenid government.

scholarly journals Atypical titles and ranks of heads of state as part of the personality cult

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-98
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Taldykin
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Ruling Party

The anti-democratic forms of the state and political regime are characterised by a lack of real participation of the population in the exercise of state power and a violation of the rights and freedoms of citizens and their associations. One of the characteristic features of anti-democratic regimes is that real power is concentrated in the hands of a group of people or one person who are not under the control of the people. The main types of anti-democratic regimes are authoritarian and totalitarian forms. History has shown that the formation of the personality cult of the head of state or the ruling totalitarian party is possible provided that there is a successful symbiosis between these anti-international varieties. At the same time, the formation of the personality cult of the head of state or the political leader of the ruling party is impossible without certain attributes, an integral part of which is the presence of their atypical titles, official and unofficial titles, which, in turn, are a clear indicator of the undemocratic set of methods, techniques and methods of exercising state power. The above issues are essential to understanding all the nuances of the supreme power of autocrats, which makes our research relevant. The aim of the study will be to analyze atypical official and unofficial titles, ranks, laudatory epithets of heads of state, as an integral part of the cult of personality, a sign of undemocratic political regime and leadership. The fact of the deification of the ruler's supreme power as a weighty argument in favor of the centralization of his supreme power is interpreted differently by researchers, depending on the characteristics of this or that civilizational component. In the period of modern history, the existence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles for heads of state in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is associated primarily with the policy of chiefdom. The formation of the personality cult of the Head of State or the political leader of the ruling party is impossible without certain attributes, an integral part of which is the presence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles, which in turn are a clear indicator of the undemocratic set of methods, techniques and methods of exercising public power. The personality cult of the state leader is linked to the approval of the appropriate form of government and the form of state political regime. The process of establishing the personality cult is characteristic of some historical as well as some modern monarchical forms of state government, such as the Eastern Despoty, theocratic monarchy and the absolute monarchy. States with the above form of government had a special legal status as heads of state, which was envisaged: - the religious specificity of legitimising monarchical power; - a combination of secular and spiritual (religious) power, which, in turn, gave rise to the development of sacralisation of the personality of the supreme ruler. Such embodiment of despotic rulers of the East was practiced by authoritative anthropotheism in two ways: soft: monarch is the son of a god, and tough: monarch is a living deity. In the period of modern history, the emergence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles of heads of state in the twentieth century is primarily connected with the policy of leadership. Leadership is the policy of an authoritarian or totalitarian party in a state that aims to concentrate power in a charismatic undisputed leader. The ideas and actions of such a leader are not subject to criticism and are perceived without appeal. The atypical title or title of leader can be enshrined in legislation. The atypical title or title of its leader may be officially disseminated through state ideology and propaganda through the media when the head of state retains one official traditional title, but unofficial honorary titles and epithets are allowed.

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