Reflections on the nature of populism and the problem of stability

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1058-1068
Author(s):  
David Rasmussen

Beginning with a reference to the concept of the political and the idea of stability, the essay turns to an examination of populism from an historical and a normative point of view. While historically populism can be traced to its Roman origins, from a normative perspective, populism rests on a binary opposition between ‘elites’ and the ‘people’. As such, it undercuts its moral claim to universal representation by taking the part for the whole. In the end, this essay argues that populism cannot provide a moral justification for political stability.

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Weronika Górnicka

Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.


2004 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bimal Jalan

This paper discusses the dynamics of economics, politics, and governance and its implications for the Indian economy in general and the governance issues of educational institutions in particular. Independent India was founded on a democratic framework and an operational governance structure. The vision was to attain the specific economic and social goals that the country had set for itself. What is puzzling is the fact that despite the ideal combination of economics, politics, and civil service, the expected results were not achieved. What might have happened is the development of a substantial gap between the economically sound and the politically feasible policies, on the one hand, and the disharmony between the different levels of the administrative machinery, on the other. The author agrees with the renowned economist, Hanson, who found an answer to the problem not in the theory of planning or the people making the plans but with the unrealistic assumptions about the likely responses of the people. For instance, it was assumed that the people elected to power, the citizens of the country, and the labour and management of the public enterprises would all work selflessly to achieve the economic objectives of the country. In reality, however, regional and sectional interests dominated the political and economic decisions making the Indian economy self-centric, narrow, and wasteful. The channelization of economic benefits to the special interest groups led to the lop-sided distribution of wealth. To add to this was the political corruption which was accepted as an unavoidable feature of the electoral process. Another blow came from the public sector enterprises which, instead of generating public savings, led to the accumulation of internal public debt and lower investment. What is unfortunate is that all this continued for a long time despite the realization that they were going against the basic assumptions of the post-Independence policy framework. Taking the issue of fee determination in the case of IIMs, the author feels that it is again a complex interplay of the three elements - economics, politics, and governance. The economic issue from the public policy point of view is: why the larger subsidy from public funds and for whose benefit? While it is a popular political move to grant subsidies, it is a matter of conscious political choice as to which target group should get the benefit. Towards making India's vision a reality, the author suggests the adoption of pragmatic and flexible approaches with the contemporary realities in mind. The steps would include: simplifying administrative procedures managing fiscal deficit through fiscal policy changes ensuring accountability through legal reforms avoiding bureaucratic interference eliminating administrative discretion While a lot needs to be done in all these areas, the author is confident that with the economic potential of the country and the innate ability of the people of this country, it would definitely be possible to realize the full potential within the next two decades.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 713-739 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Pünder

Throughout the world, there is debate about how democratic systems should adapt to the demands of their increasingly emancipated citizenries. More than ever, people desire to take part in the creation of their life circumstances. The demand for participation is paired with a growing discontent with the political elites. This article looks at the challenges in the context of Germany's system of government, discussing the leading debates of democratic reform in the EU's largest member state with some incidental remarks on other countries. Specifically, the study analyzes two core components of representative democracy—the electoral process and the parliamentary decision-making procedure—and shows how they should be reformed to ensure political stability in the long run. As a measure for the analysis, the author develops a system of four preconditions, on which successful democratic government depends: Responsiveness and political leadership on the side of the elected representatives; preparedness for participation and acceptance on the part of the represented. The article shows that optimizing democracy on the basis of these pillars is not just advisable as a matter of political prudence. In fact, Germany's constitution, the Basic Law, contains a normative expectation towards the political elites that they continuously improve democracy and ensure its appropriate functioning.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Ponirin Ponirin ◽  
Agum Patria Silaban

It aims to test anything that influences the Political thinking Tan Malaka about the Consept of the Indonesian State, setting aside the concept of the state in the view of Tan Malaka and putting forth the effort the makes in fulfilling the concept of a joyful state. This type of research is a study literature. As for data collection techniques in this study is a library study, it means the author did reseach by collecting books, documents, articles, scripts, and the like. With the approach: textual studies, context studies, and historical studies. The data analysis of the data is heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and presentation. From the results of the research, it is known that Tan Malaka was a hero of the independence movement, he was born in the village of Pandan Gadang, not far from the Suliki Sprout, Limopilih Koto Regency, East Sumatera. He began to think of the fate of this people who were colonized after education in the Netherlands. The influence of circumstances and understanding is like the circumstances of his people, then education that this finally influenced by Marxism and the revolutiomary movement of Europe (the French, British, and Russian Revolutions) have set the mind to a left (Communist). Long before the other leading figures of independence, Tan Malaka had designed the consep of the Indonesian state before the independent of Indonesia. He saw and compared the concept of repulic and kingdom. For him the kingdom is irrelevant to the welfare of the people. Tan Malaka would prefer the concept of a union or a republic with a democratic system. For him the people must be in charge.then it may be concluded tha the concept of the Indonesian state tha Tan Malakan was the DemocraticKey word : Tan Malaka's Point of view, Indonesian State


2021 ◽  
pp. 46-55
Author(s):  
Alexandr Ternovschi ◽  
◽  
◽  

The article contains a study in the field of interaction and dependence of constitutional guarantees of human rights in the Republic of Moldova on power, economy and capital. An example is given of the set of meanings and forms of this democracy, the measure, level and values of the citizens who make up a collective or make up the crowd, from the point of view of organizing the means by leading the people over the state. The causal relationship is analyzed between the interaction and the direct dependence of the implementation of the constitutional norms on the political will, the level of the economy, including the interest and purpose of the capital dictatorship. This prism studies the real issue of democracy in the Western sample regarding the completeness of citizens' expectations. The article provides an assessment of democratic values in their presence, ie form. The most frequent and richest opinions, ideas and doctrines are evaluated, for the general ideological purpose, in order to effectively achieve objectives, including the subsequent onset of certain consequences. A comparative analysis is made regarding the opinions of other authoritarian specialists in this field.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Anis Hidayati

Abstract: This article discusses about a Islamic political jurisprudence’s point of view againts campaign for president and vice president election. It is carried out based on Law No. 42 year 2008 concerning with the election of president and vice president. The general election campaign is a sovereign right of the people to produce democratic government based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD) 1945. The implementation of the general election campaign has a positive effect that is beneficial for the candidates and for the publics to know the candidates they would choose to be a leader. In Islamic political jurisprudence’s perspective, the implementation of the general election campaign for president and vice president can realize the political rights of individuals associated with the right to nominate and the right to occupy a certain post. All of the people and citizens are entitled to gain a guarantee of their human rights (Hurriyah al-shakhsiyyah) before the law and government.Keywords: Campaign, general election, president, Islamic political jurisprudence.


The article examines issues of political manipulation from the linguistic point of view. Diversified review of studies of the phenomenon of political manipulation was accomplished and the role of means of language in the process of manipulation was described. It is postulated that manipulation inherently belongs to the people`s speech and in particular to the speech of the politicians. In this respect, it is deemed to be wrong to study manipulation in an exclusively negative light. The focus of the research is the effect of the manipulatory impact and this interest is predetermined by the emphasis on the linguo-pragmatic aspects of communication. Political discourse is characterized by manipulative features in order to conduct a propaganda conflict, which is achieved using various linguistic units and methods, such as nominalization, euphemisms, precedent phenomena. The political discourse of the media has a huge impact on the formation of public opinion, which is done with the help of the above tools of speech manipulation. The article examines the features of manipulative technologies of political discourse. The severity of the problem of the manipulative potential of speech is determined by direct communication between the institutionalized addressee and the mass addressee, which takes place in the political discourse of the media. A brief analysis of the types of manipulation depending on the nature of information transformations is given, which determines the presence of specific features of the language of politics, as well as the use of special tools that contribute to the implementation of the main functions of political discourse. According to the author, the media are forming a new political reality in which manipulation technologies become a key instrument of political behaviour of the masses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47
Author(s):  
Bambang Aris Kartika ◽  
Nanik Sri Prihatini ◽  
Sri Hastanto ◽  
Dharsono Dharsono

Soegija's movie is a biopic film based on the historiography of the highest leaders of the people and the Catholic church in Indonesia. Soegija's film is an antithesis of Indonesian historiography so far, especially the historiography of the era of the Indonesian independence revolution. This article discusses the political affirmation and identity politics of Soegija's film from the perspective of Derrida's Deconstruction. Derrida's Deconstruction approach and historical methodology consisting of Heuristics, Hermeneutics, and internal criticism are used to understand the position of Soegija's biopic on Indonesian historiography. The results of the study show that Soegija's film is a biography moving picture of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata, who narrated historical facts about the national attitude of the Catholic leadership as the first native bishop. In deconstruction, it appears that Soegija's biopic is a representation of the political affirmation and identity politics of educational cultural resistance to the truth of the historical facts of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata who is in binary opposition to Indonesian historiography.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (51) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Denis Vorobiev ◽  

The article examines the debate between Quebecois anthropologists and historians around the “disparationist” thesis. According to this thesis, first expressed in several 17th century texts, the Attikamegues and Montagnais peoples had completely disappeared by the end of that century due to epidemics and Iroquois raids, and the territories in which they lived were occupied by alien autochthonous groups. Therefore, the modern Innu and Atikamekw are implied not to be the direct descendants of the people who lived here before the arrival of Europeans. Anthropologists criticize this thesis, stressing intergenerational continuity. They see it as a political notion that denies the indigenous rights of the First Nations. The author examines the critical arguments of the anthropologists and tries to reveal the relationship between the political implications of the problem and its purely scientific component. From his point of view, the “disparationist” thesis does not take into account the mobility and the relatively amorphous social structure of taiga hunters, in which even the replacement of some groups by others does not imply a break in continuity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-20
Author(s):  
Khanlar A. Gadzhiev

Feedback is one of the most significant elements for political system’s functioning. Not only social and political stability depend on the effectiveness of its channels and mechanisms, and the extent of it being taken into account in the political process, but also resilience of the political system constructed. During the digital age, when the political processes in society are much more intensive in the society and the process of opinion exchange is more open, authorities, on the one hand, have significantly more opportunities for monitoring, analysis and consideration of feedback in order to correct the political course being pursued, and on the other hand, rapid response and decision making are required from authorities. It is primarily connected to the great degree of penetration of the online-environment into peoples’ lives. Here emerged many threatens and risks for authorities connected with the possibility of destructive impact on public opinion and attempt to manipulating it. For this goal the article tries to define the essence of political feedback and its significance for today’s political process; its basic components and their role in political system’s functioning are stated; the potential of political feedback from the point of view of enhancing the effectiveness of decision made by the authorities and adequate response to the public enquiries and demands; finally, the main possible barriers on the way of realization of political feedback.


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