The Structural Determinants of Fear of Crime: An Analysis Using Census and Crime Survey Data from England and Wales

1994 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Hale ◽  
Pat Pack ◽  
John Salked
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Empirical Model ◽  
Fear Of Crime ◽  
Structural Determinants ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Neighbourhood Level ◽  
British Crime Survey ◽  
Neighbourhood Structure

The research presented in this article develops the explanation of fear of crime beyond that which concentrates upon the characteristics and attributes of individuals to consider structural or neighbourhood level determinants. After reviewing the theoretical arguments for such an approach, an empirical model which combines neighbourhood level data constructed from the 1981 British Census with individual level data from the 1984 British Crime Survey is presented. The results support the contention that neighbourhood structure is an important factor when discussing fear of crime.

scholarly journals Household and family structure in England and Wales (1851–1911): continuities and change

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Schürer ◽  
Eilidh M. Garrett ◽  
Hannaliis Jaadla ◽  
Alice Reid
Keyword(s):  
Family Structure ◽  
Household Structure ◽  
Living Alone ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Marriage Patterns ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Single Parent Families ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Extended Households

AbstractThis article produces the first findings on changes in household and family structure in England and Wales during 1851–1911, using the recently available Integrated Census Microdata (I-CeM) – a complete count database of individual-level data extending to some 188 million records. As such, it extends and updates the important overview article published in Continuity and Change by Michael Anderson in 1988. The I-CeM data shed new light on transitions in household structure and family life during this period, illustrating both continuities and change in a number of key areas: family composition; single parent families; living alone; extended households; childhood; leaving home and marriage patterns.

The Stability of Global and Specific Measures of the Fear of Crime: Results from a Two Wave Trinidadian Longitudinal Study

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Ditton ◽  
Derek Chadee ◽  
Furzana Khan
Keyword(s):  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Fear Of Crime ◽  
Longitudinal Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
Important Measure ◽  
British Crime Survey ◽  
The Stability

The ‘fear of crime’ is a politically important measure, and much is made of year to year changes in levels when generated by repeat cross-sectional national surveys such as the British Crime Survey. Data from the first two waves of a longitudinal survey of the fear of crime undertaken in Trinidad indicate that identical year on year fear levels regularly conceal considerable gross changes in reported fear, many of which are mutually cancelled in the calculation of net year- on-year fear levels. These results question either or both of the stability of the fear of crime, and of measures used to assess it.

scholarly journals Representativeness of individual-level data in COVID-19 phone surveys: Findings from Sub-Saharan Africa

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. e0258877
Author(s):  
Joshua Brubaker ◽  
Talip Kilic ◽  
Philip Wollburg
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Sampling Weights ◽  
Household Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Phone Survey ◽  
General Adult Population ◽  
Household Heads

The COVID-19 pandemic has created urgent demand for timely data, leading to a surge in mobile phone surveys for tracking the impacts of and responses to the pandemic. Using data from national phone surveys implemented in Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria and Uganda during the pandemic and the pre-COVID-19 national face-to-face surveys that served as the sampling frames for the phone surveys, this paper documents selection the biases in individual-level analyses based on phone survey data. In most cases, individual-level data are available only for phone survey respondents, who we find are more likely to be household heads or their spouses and non-farm enterprise owners, and on average, are older and better educated vis-a-vis the general adult population. These differences are the result of uneven access to mobile phones in the population and the way that phone survey respondents are selected. To improve the representativeness of individual-level analysis using phone survey data, we recalibrate the phone survey sampling weights based on propensity score adjustments that are derived from a model of an individual’s likelihood of being interviewed as a function of individual- and household-level attributes. We find that reweighting improves the representativeness of the estimates for phone survey respondents, moving them closer to those of the general adult population. This holds for both women and men and for a range of demographic, education, and labor market outcomes. However, reweighting increases the variance of the estimates and, in most cases, fails to overcome selection biases. This indicates limitations to deriving representative individual-level estimates from phone survey data. Obtaining reliable data on men and women through future phone surveys will require random selection of adult interviewees within sampled households.

scholarly journals Alternative Legacies of Authoritarianism: Pro-dictator Bias in Ideology

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Past ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Party Strength

How does an authoritarian past shape voters’ left-right orientation? Recent studies investigate “anti-dictator bias” in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing (left-wing) dictatorship may display a leftist (rightist) bias in their ideological self-identification. In this paper, I provide evidence for a “pro-dictator bias” where citizens hold ideological positions corresponding to those of the dictator depending on their experiences during and after transition. In countries with negotiated transitions and stronger former ruling parties, these successors could continue mobilizing the popular base of the former dictatorship with inherited advantages from the past and by invoking nostalgia through consistent reference to previous authoritarian achievements. I test this hypothesis with variables measuring successor party strength and the type of regime transition by combining individual-level survey data and country-level data. The findings emphasize the role of post-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in former authoritarian societies.

Unpacking Presidential Satisfaction: Preliminary Insights from Survey Data on the Bottom Poor in Metro Manila

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Tristan A. Canare ◽  
Ronald U. Mendoza ◽  
Jurel K. Yap ◽  
Leonardo M. Jaminola ◽  
Gabrielle Ann S. Mendoza
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Low Income ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Presidential Approval ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Metro Manila ◽  
Voting Age ◽  
Survey Results

Abstract Measures of presidential satisfaction have long been in the public’s attention, but the factors that drive them have brought about much discussion. As a contribution to the literature, this study empirically examines presidential approval data in the Philippines using a unique survey of 1200 low-income voting age residents of Metro Manila. Using individual-level data, this study unpacks the possible factors underpinning survey results on citizens’ satisfaction with leadership in the Philippines. While accounting for the personal circumstances of the respondents, this study finds evidence of bandwagoning among survey respondents; and partial evidence of personal economic conditions and disinformation possibly linked to presidential satisfaction. The findings here suggest there should be more caution in interpreting presidential satisfaction indicators.

Predicting Crime Rates, Fear and Disorder Based on Area Information: Evidence from the 2000 British Crime Survey

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Kershaw ◽  
Andromachi Tseloni
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Fear Of Crime ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
Crime Rates ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
British Crime Survey ◽  
Crime Types

This study discusses methods for predicting local crime rates, measures of fear of crime and measures of disorder that are based on regression models which make use of local census variables and regional dummies. The crime types for which predictions are made are personal crime, total household crime, burglary and vehicle crime. The information on crime, fear of crime and disorder is drawn from the 2000 British Crime Survey. The local census variables (relating to postcode sectors) are drawn from the 1991 England and Wales Census. The results show that the modelling of measures of fear and disorder is more robust than the modelling of crime. Therefore, it appears more possible to predict types of area where concern about crime and problems of disorder are likely to be highest than to predict those areas most at risk of crime.

An Introduction to the OPCS Longitudinal Study

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (10) ◽  
pp. 1387-1398 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Dale ◽  
R Creeser ◽  
B Dodgeon ◽  
S Gleave ◽  
H Filakti
Keyword(s):  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Research Area ◽  
Data Sources ◽  
Considerable Importance ◽  
Cancer Registration ◽  
Regional Research ◽  
Migration Studies ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data

The Office of Population Censuses and Surveys (OPCS). Longitudinal Study (LS) is introduced, and its value for migration and area-based studies is highlighted. The LS is a 1% sample of records drawn from the 1971, 1981, and 1991 Censuses for England and Wales, to which are linked information on certain vital events (for example, births, deaths, and cancer registration) for the same individuals. The basis for selection is having one of four birthdates in the year. Although confidentiality constraints mean that individual-level data from the LS cannot be released, OPCS welcome analysis of the data, and arrangements for access and user support are described in the paper. Because most of the data sources that go to make up the LS contain some area coding, it is of considerable importance in urban and regional research and in migration studies. Those aspects of the LS of most relevance to this research area are reviewed, and the different geographical bases available are highlighted. Also, examples of the kinds of research that can be supported by the LS are provided.

scholarly journals Validation of non-participation bias methodology based on record-linked Finnish register-based health survey data: a protocol paper

BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. e026187
Author(s):  
Megan A McMinn ◽  
Pekka Martikainen ◽  
Emma Gorman ◽  
Harri Rissanen ◽  
Tommi Härkänen ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Alcohol Consumption ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Population Sample ◽  
Synthetic Data ◽  
Target Population ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Ethical Approval ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Health Registers

IntroductionDecreasing participation levels in health surveys pose a threat to the validity of estimates intended to be representative of their target population. If participants and non-participants differ systematically, the results may be biased. The application of traditional non-response adjustment methods, such as weighting, can fail to correct for such biases, as estimates are typically based on the sociodemographic information available. Therefore, a dedicated methodology to infer on non-participants offers advancement by employing survey data linked to administrative health records, with reference to data on the general population. We aim to validate such a methodology in a register-based setting, where individual-level data on participants and non-participants are available, taking alcohol consumption estimation as the exemplar focus.Methods and analysisWe made use of the selected sample of the Health 2000 survey conducted in Finland and a separate register-based sample of the contemporaneous population, with follow-up until 2012. Finland has nationally representative administrative and health registers available for individual-level record linkage to the Health 2000 survey participants and invited non-participants, and the population sample. By comparing the population sample and the participants, synthetic observations representing the non-participants may be generated, as per the developed methodology. We can compare the distribution of the synthetic non-participants with the true distribution from the register data. Multiple imputation was then used to estimate alcohol consumption based on both the actual and synthetic data for non-participants, and the estimates can be compared to evaluate the methodology’s performance.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval and access to the Health 2000 survey data and data from administrative and health registers have been given by the Health 2000 Scientific Advisory Board, Statistics Finland and the National Institute for Health and Welfare. The outputs will include two publications in public health and statistical methodology journals and conference presentations.

scholarly journals Race and the Ideological Transformation of the Democratic Party: Evidence from the Bayou State

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. V. Hood
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
The South ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Ideological Transformation ◽  
Over Time

There is little doubt that the Democratic Party in the South has become decidedly more liberal over the last several decades. Not as much is known, however, about the extent of this ideological shift (measured in some quantifiable metric), nor the exact causes of this phenomenon. Many have credited the noted ideological sea change with the en masse re-enfranchisement of blacks in the region. In order to test the validity of this claim, aggregate-level data from Louisiana were combined with individual-level survey data to create an ideological profile for the Democratic Party in the Bayou State. Decomposing the transformation by racial groups leads to a counterintuitive finding: over time, blacks have actually served as a moderating force within the party structure. In addition, the white contingent of the Democratic Party has become increasingly more liberal as the proportion of blacks within the party structure has increased.

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