scholarly journals Representativeness of individual-level data in COVID-19 phone surveys: Findings from Sub-Saharan Africa

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. e0258877
Author(s):  
Joshua Brubaker ◽  
Talip Kilic ◽  
Philip Wollburg

The COVID-19 pandemic has created urgent demand for timely data, leading to a surge in mobile phone surveys for tracking the impacts of and responses to the pandemic. Using data from national phone surveys implemented in Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria and Uganda during the pandemic and the pre-COVID-19 national face-to-face surveys that served as the sampling frames for the phone surveys, this paper documents selection the biases in individual-level analyses based on phone survey data. In most cases, individual-level data are available only for phone survey respondents, who we find are more likely to be household heads or their spouses and non-farm enterprise owners, and on average, are older and better educated vis-a-vis the general adult population. These differences are the result of uneven access to mobile phones in the population and the way that phone survey respondents are selected. To improve the representativeness of individual-level analysis using phone survey data, we recalibrate the phone survey sampling weights based on propensity score adjustments that are derived from a model of an individual’s likelihood of being interviewed as a function of individual- and household-level attributes. We find that reweighting improves the representativeness of the estimates for phone survey respondents, moving them closer to those of the general adult population. This holds for both women and men and for a range of demographic, education, and labor market outcomes. However, reweighting increases the variance of the estimates and, in most cases, fails to overcome selection biases. This indicates limitations to deriving representative individual-level estimates from phone survey data. Obtaining reliable data on men and women through future phone surveys will require random selection of adult interviewees within sampled households.

Social Forces ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Pike

Abstract In recent decades, qualitative research from across sub-Saharan Africa has shown how young men are often unable to marry because they lack wealth and a stable livelihood. With survey data, researchers have begun to study how men’s economic circumstances are related to when they marry in the continent’s capitals and larger urban centers. However, our understanding of these dynamics outside of large cities remains limited. Drawing on longitudinal survey data, this paper examines how men’s economic standing, both at the individual and household level, relates to their marriage timing in rural and semi-urban communities in the Salima district of Malawi. The findings show that men who have higher earnings, work in agriculture, and come from a household that sold cash crops were more likely to marry. In contrast, students as well as men from households owning a large amount of land were substantially less likely to marry. Additionally, men living in the semi-urban communities were around half as likely to marry as their rural counterparts. This negative association is largely explained by the greater proportion of men who are students in towns and trading centers and also the relatively less agricultural nature of these communities. These findings show the value of considering both individual and family characteristics in studies of marriage timing and also suggest that as sub-Saharan Africa urbanizes, the age of marriage for men will likely rise.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell

How does an authoritarian past shape voters’ left-right orientation? Recent studies investigate “anti-dictator bias” in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing (left-wing) dictatorship may display a leftist (rightist) bias in their ideological self-identification. In this paper, I provide evidence for a “pro-dictator bias” where citizens hold ideological positions corresponding to those of the dictator depending on their experiences during and after transition. In countries with negotiated transitions and stronger former ruling parties, these successors could continue mobilizing the popular base of the former dictatorship with inherited advantages from the past and by invoking nostalgia through consistent reference to previous authoritarian achievements. I test this hypothesis with variables measuring successor party strength and the type of regime transition by combining individual-level survey data and country-level data. The findings emphasize the role of post-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in former authoritarian societies.


Author(s):  
Fabrice Carrat ◽  
Xavier de Lamballerie ◽  
Delphine Rahib ◽  
Helene Blanche ◽  
Nathanael Lapidus ◽  
...  

Aim To estimate the seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 infection in May-June 2020 after the lockdown in adults living in three regions in France and to identify the associated risk factors. Methods Participants in a survey on COVID-19 from an existing consortium of three general adult population cohorts living in the Ile-de-France (IDF) or Grand Est (GE), two regions with high rate of COVID-19, or in the Nouvelle-Aquitaine (NA), with a low rate, were asked to take a dried-blood spot (DBS) for anti-SARS-CoV-2 antibodies assessment. The primary outcome was a positive anti-SARS-CoV-2 ELISA IgG result against the spike protein of the virus (ELISA-S). The secondary outcomes were a positive ELISA IgG against the nucleocapsid protein (ELISA-NP), anti-SARS-CoV-2 neutralizing antibodies titers >=40 (SN), and predicted positivity obtained from a multiple imputation model (MI). Prevalence estimates were adjusted using sampling weights and post-stratification methods. Findings Between May 4, 2020 and June 23, 2020, 16,000 participants were asked to provide DBS, and 14,628 were included in the analysis, 983 with a positive ELISA-S, 511 with a positive ELISA-NP, 424 with SN>=40 and 941 (Standard Deviation=31) with a positive MI. Adjusted estimates of seroprevalence (positive ELISA-S) were 10.0% (95%CI 9.1%;10.9%) in IDF, 9.0% (95%CI 7.7%; 10.2%) in GE and 3.1% (95%CI 2.4%; 3.7%), in NA. The adjusted prevalence of positive ELISA-NP, SN and MI were 5.7%, 5.0% and 10.0% in IDF, 6.0%, 4.3% and 8.6% in GE, and 0.6%, 1.3% and 2.5% in NA, respectively. A higher seroprevalence was observed in younger participants and when at least one child or adolescent lived in the same household. A lower seroprevalence was observed in smokers compared to non-smokers. Interpretation At the end of the lockdown the prevalence of anti-SARS-CoV-2 IgG or neutralizing antibodies remained low in the French adult population, even in regions with high reported rates of COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Tristan A. Canare ◽  
Ronald U. Mendoza ◽  
Jurel K. Yap ◽  
Leonardo M. Jaminola ◽  
Gabrielle Ann S. Mendoza

Abstract Measures of presidential satisfaction have long been in the public’s attention, but the factors that drive them have brought about much discussion. As a contribution to the literature, this study empirically examines presidential approval data in the Philippines using a unique survey of 1200 low-income voting age residents of Metro Manila. Using individual-level data, this study unpacks the possible factors underpinning survey results on citizens’ satisfaction with leadership in the Philippines. While accounting for the personal circumstances of the respondents, this study finds evidence of bandwagoning among survey respondents; and partial evidence of personal economic conditions and disinformation possibly linked to presidential satisfaction. The findings here suggest there should be more caution in interpreting presidential satisfaction indicators.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (11) ◽  
pp. 1610-1647 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Houle ◽  
Michael K. Miller

How does intergenerational social mobility affect support for democracy? Although a large literature examines how personal income and inequality influence regime change and democratic attitudes, there has been little work on social mobility. We employ individual level data from the Afrobarometer and Latinobarometer, covering 33 democracies and nondemocracies, to provide the first analysis of how personal experiences of intergenerational mobility influence support for democracy. We find that mobility predicts democratic attitudes, even controlling for education and current economic situation. We also show that the effect does not run through preferences for redistribution. We instead propose two alternative mechanisms. First, individuals living in democracies credit (or blame) the regime when they experience mobility. Second, upward mobility transforms a range of values, such as personal autonomy and trust, that render individuals more supportive of democracy. Our results present a warning for democracies facing steadily declining social mobility, including the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 3447
Author(s):  
Yemane Asmelash Gebremariam ◽  
Joost Dessein ◽  
Beneberu Assefa Wondimagegnhu ◽  
Mark Breusers ◽  
Lutgart Lenaerts ◽  
...  

This research identifies critical determinants for interactions between farmers and extension agencies. Cross-sectional farm household-level data from three hundred household heads were collected between September 2019 and March 2020 and triangulated with data from workshops with farmers and extension agents. The data were analyzed using Spearman’s correlation coefficient, Kruskal–Wallis analysis of variance and the ordered probit model. Farmers’ socio-economic characteristics significantly affect their degree of interaction with extension agencies. Recognition of the determinants of the level of farmers’ interactions can inform policymakers about how to formulate and improve the effectiveness of extension programs, enhance information and knowledge dissemination and facilitate development in collaboration with local communities by focusing on a better interaction between farmers and extension agencies. The level of a farmer’s interactions is based on a systematic decision-making process. Although personal and demographic characteristics are important, farmers’ interaction levels require conducive institutional and household assets, groups/social capital and access to extension agents’ contexts. These contexts will differ by household, country and region. Therefore, extension agencies should create and design contextually appropriate strategies for substantial interactions with farmers for the dissemination of farm information. This research is original and valuable in identifying the factors associated with the level of farmers’ interactions with extension agencies in the Amhara region, Ethiopia. It also provides a new pathway for operationalizing farmer-oriented agricultural extension policies and strategies and to help agricultural policymakers formulate extension service programs.


1994 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Hale ◽  
Pat Pack ◽  
John Salked

The research presented in this article develops the explanation of fear of crime beyond that which concentrates upon the characteristics and attributes of individuals to consider structural or neighbourhood level determinants. After reviewing the theoretical arguments for such an approach, an empirical model which combines neighbourhood level data constructed from the 1981 British Census with individual level data from the 1984 British Crime Survey is presented. The results support the contention that neighbourhood structure is an important factor when discussing fear of crime.


BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. e026187
Author(s):  
Megan A McMinn ◽  
Pekka Martikainen ◽  
Emma Gorman ◽  
Harri Rissanen ◽  
Tommi Härkänen ◽  
...  

IntroductionDecreasing participation levels in health surveys pose a threat to the validity of estimates intended to be representative of their target population. If participants and non-participants differ systematically, the results may be biased. The application of traditional non-response adjustment methods, such as weighting, can fail to correct for such biases, as estimates are typically based on the sociodemographic information available. Therefore, a dedicated methodology to infer on non-participants offers advancement by employing survey data linked to administrative health records, with reference to data on the general population. We aim to validate such a methodology in a register-based setting, where individual-level data on participants and non-participants are available, taking alcohol consumption estimation as the exemplar focus.Methods and analysisWe made use of the selected sample of the Health 2000 survey conducted in Finland and a separate register-based sample of the contemporaneous population, with follow-up until 2012. Finland has nationally representative administrative and health registers available for individual-level record linkage to the Health 2000 survey participants and invited non-participants, and the population sample. By comparing the population sample and the participants, synthetic observations representing the non-participants may be generated, as per the developed methodology. We can compare the distribution of the synthetic non-participants with the true distribution from the register data. Multiple imputation was then used to estimate alcohol consumption based on both the actual and synthetic data for non-participants, and the estimates can be compared to evaluate the methodology’s performance.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval and access to the Health 2000 survey data and data from administrative and health registers have been given by the Health 2000 Scientific Advisory Board, Statistics Finland and the National Institute for Health and Welfare. The outputs will include two publications in public health and statistical methodology journals and conference presentations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073889422110263
Author(s):  
Inken von Borzyskowski ◽  
Ursula Daxecker ◽  
Patrick M. Kuhn

Election violence is common in many developing countries and has potentially detrimental implications for democratic consolidation. Drawing on political psychology, we argue that citizens’ fear of campaign violence undermines support for democracy while increasing support for autocracy. Using individual-level survey data from 21 electoral democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa, we find robust support for our argument. Citizens fearing campaign violence are less likely to support democracy and multi-party competition, more likely to favor a return to autocracy, and less likely to turn out to vote. Our findings have important implications for democratic survival and provide further impetus for reducing electoral violence.


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