Peace in an Age of Transformation

1983 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-200
Author(s):  
Rajni Kothari

This article seeks to cope with the fundamental problematique of our time which cuts across all the specific crises and challenges-Survival. It posits the thesis that human history is today poised on the threshold of yet another mutation, spanning the entire network of arrangement of human affairs-political, economic, social, cultural, ethnic, religious, ways of thinking and styles of living - right from the global to the grass-roots levels. It sees in the all-too-plain aborted promise of a bygone era for a continuously rising prosperity for all, in the quick succession of crises in both international and national affairs (each more severe and more intractable than the last), in the deep divisions and sharp polarizations (both between and within nations), in the ceaseless preparations for - and frequent eruptions of - war, and in the perpetually haunting fear of total destruction - symptoms of a sickness in the existing arrangements that can no longer be made to respond to analgesics and palliatives. On the other side, it sees in the pervasive discontent and unrest, in the endemic turbulences and turmoil, and in the slow but sustained initiatives for creating a just world - signals of a surge towards a fundamental transformation of the status quo, even though the signals are sporadic and episodic, and the surge inchoate and neither well conceived, well directed nor well coordinated. The greatest irony of the situation, the article notes, is that while the surge for transformation emanates from the peripheries, from societies believed to be traditional and doggedly resistant to change, and from people believed to have been suppressed into quiescence and passivity for good, the opposition to change (by various strategems, not excluding the threat of use, or actual use, of naked force) comes precisely from those who once prided themselves on their role as the powerful dynamo of change unprecedented in history. The article traces the developments leading to the present state of affairs in the historical perspective, and discusses the issue of peace and security in this context of emerging transformation. It sees peace neither as a function of the balance of terror and of mutual assured destruction put forward by nuclear strategists, nor as a consequence of proposals for disarmament put out by peace researchers, but as emerging out of struggles at creating structures that are, and are seen and felt to be, just and equitable, and that ensure the security of peoples and the survival of the human species, and of creation as a whole. It also attempts to provide a new pedagogy and methodology for such an approach to peace and survival.

1979 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajni Kothari

If about 200 years ago history took a new turn (leading to the global domination - political, economic, cultural and ideological - of the West), it is now again ripe for a new turn (as the result of its unfolding). But the turn cannot be taken without human intervention any more than it was taken 200 years ago. Indeed, intervention is being actively made through various strategems by the beneficiaries, and therefore guardians, of the status quo. To counter this, the paper proposes the kind of intervention that will demolish the existing structures of in-built violence, inequity, domination and insensate exploitation both of vast sections of humanity and of nature, and pave the way for the emergence of a world that is humane and just, peaceful and secure, and one that ensures to all human entities no less than to individuals a livable life of dignity and freedom. A strategy for such intervention must needs be based on a correct understanding of the dialectic of the historical process to avoid the pitfall of utopian model-building, identify the forces wanting or needing and working for change, fuse them into a strong global coalition, and identify the points where interventions can be successfully made to bring about the desired change.


Philosophy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-233
Author(s):  
John W. Cook

Wittgenstein has often been criticized, and even dismissed, for being a patron of ordinary language, a champion of the vernacular, a defender of the status quo. One critic has written: ‘When Wittgenstein set up the actual use of language as a standard, that was equivalent to accepting a certain set up of culture and belief as a standard … It is lucky no such philosophy was thought of until recently or we should still be under the sway of witch doctors …’ In what follows I want to show just how wide of the mark criticisms of this sort are.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll

This article considers the role played by discourses of nature in structuring the cultural politics of anti-GMO activism. It argues that such discourses have been successful rhetorical tools for activists because they mobilize widely resonant nature-culture dualisms that separate the natural and human worlds. However, these discourses hold dubious political implications. In valorizing the natural as a source of essential truth, natural purity discourses fail to challenge how naturalizations have been used to legitimize sexist, racist and colonial systems of injustice and oppression. Rather, they revitalize the discursive purchase of appeals to nature as a justification for the status quo, indirectly reinforcing existing power relations. Moreover, these discourses fail to challenge the critical though contingent reality of GMOs' location within the wider framework of neoliberal social relations. Fortunately, appeals to natural purity have not been the only effective strategy for opposing GMOs. Activist campaigns that directly target the political economic implications of GMOs within the context of neoliberalism have also had successes without resorting to appeals to the purity of nature. The successes of these campaigns suggest that while nature-culture dualisms remain politically effective normative groundings, concerns over equity, farmers' rights, and democracy retain potential as ideological terrains in the struggle for social justice.


Author(s):  
ADEYEMI AMOS ADEGBOYEGA

Greatly concerned and obsessed with the state of affairs in the country, literary artists more often than not, call to conscience the sensibilities of their audience, politicians inclusive. Against the prebendal nature of politics which is characterized by different anarchist tendencies in Nigeria, literary artists find justification for their craft as they seek ultimately to re-organize the society and confront its perils. This is the crux of this study. My concern is to rationalize Abubakar Gimba’s Why am I Doing This? banking on the interrogative undertone of the title, a variation from the norm. This interrogative undertone as will be explicated herein questions the rationalities – of the author and the actors in his observations as documented. Four essays from the collection were purposively sampled to demonstrate this. Deploying the literary tool of postcolonialism, this study a critical qualitative analysis submits that Abubakar Gimba laments the anathema and apathy that pervades the Nigerian society despite the professed democratic system of governance. He unveils the hidden and sad truths of modern Nigeria in its raw and naked form. These truths contradict her democracy. It is against this that Gimba hopes for a change in the status-quo and modus operandi of statecraft.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (29) ◽  
pp. 191-200
Author(s):  
Laura Fox

Poverty is one of the most significant issues facing the world today. Although Western news media often report on the manifestations of poverty—famine, overcrowding, epidemics, or natural disasters—they rarely reflect the political, economic, and ideological structures that have directly caused and continue to exacerbate it on a global scale. This article argues that Western news media communicate global poverty, as a pressing issue, but ultimately fail to point out underlying causes or suggest any changes to the status quo. This fosters an understanding of poverty as a series of events, rather than the lived daily experience of many. This article, therefore, investigates the structures of neocolonial capitalism and neoliberal ideologies that gained momentum in the 20th century and continue to frame the content of news media today. Discussing the concepts of ‘compassion fatigue’ and Anthony Downs’ ‘issue-attention cycle’, this article is a normative analysis of news media, exploring new ways to educate citizens on the global political economy. Drawing on the work of Lauren Berlant and Robert McChesney, this article ultimately discusses new ways of communicating poverty, which will require an acknowledgement of neocolonialism and a rethinking of crisis as lived daily experience.


Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 970-991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip C. Saunders

Long-term political, economic, and military trends are reshaping the security environment in the Taiwan Strait in potentially destabilizing ways and undermining the ““one China”” framework. The United States has become more deeply involved in cross-strait relations to maintain stability and preserve the status quo, but this approach may not be sustainable.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 888-889
Author(s):  
Mazlan Othman

Developing countries have their own particular political, economic and cultural circumstances. There are, therefore, no unique solutions. However there are some factors which are common to all or most of them, namely the lack of human and financial resources and in most cases an absence of a political commitment to the advancement of science. Such situations are in a sense not peculiar to developing nations because in some developed countries astronomy has a ‘developing’ status. Even in countries where astronomy is well established, the commitment and allocations required to maintain the status quo need to be continuously addressed. Hence strategies for fighting this “constant battle” are relevant to all astronomers of the world, while being especially vital to those in the developing world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin V. Day ◽  
Susan T. Fiske

People’s motivation to rationalize and defend the status quo is a major barrier to societal change. Three studies tested whether perceived social mobility—beliefs about the likelihood to move up and down the socioeconomic ladder—can condition people’s tendency to engage in system justification. Compared to information suggesting moderate social mobility, exposure to low social mobility frames consistently reduced defense of the overarching societal system. Two studies examined how this effect occurs. Compared to moderate or baseline conditions, a low social mobility frame reduced people’s endorsement of (typically strong) meritocratic and just-world beliefs, which in turn explained lower system defense. These effects occurred for political liberals, moderates, and conservatives and could not be explained by other system-legitimizing ideologies or people’s beliefs about their own social mobility. Implications for societal change programs are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Mariana C. Broens

Based on the theory of self-organization, the objective of this paper is tocritically discuss the theses defended by the postulators of two projects that aim toimprove human nature: eugenics and transhumanism. We will try to show that the“science of eugenics”, proposed by Francis Galton (1883), and the contemporarytranshumanist project, outlined since the second half of the 20th century, share thecontroversial belief that human beings, through science and technology, are able tosuccessfully control the evolutionary processes of human species. We will try to showthat this belief disregards the central characteristics of the complex self-organizedadaptive evolutionary processes of organisms in general. For this purpose, we willcritically analyse the central theses of the transhumanist project and the “status quo bias”argument proposed by Bolton and Ord (2006) in defence of such theses. We conclude byemphasizing that the proponents of the contemporary transhumanist project would benefitfrom a fallibilistic perspective that would allow them to face the project's social andethical possible implications with epistemic prudence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4/2019) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Marusia Cîrstea

The present article presents certain aspects of the relations between Romania, the Czech Republic and Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The fourth decade of the last century in particular was extremely rich in political, diplomatic and military events. Within this international context, Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu (1934-1937) sought to establish bilateral contacts – with the great powers of Europe, but mainly with the members of the Little Entente – meant to both strengthen bilateral relations and clarify the states’ perspective on the events in progress. During his visits to Belgrade and Prague – as emerges from the press of the time – Gheorghe Tătărescu permanently advocated maintaining the status-quo and the political, economic and military cooperation between the states of the Little Entente.


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