scholarly journals Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu in the Capitals of the Little Entente: Belgrade (1936) and Prague (1937)

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4/2019) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Marusia Cîrstea

The present article presents certain aspects of the relations between Romania, the Czech Republic and Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The fourth decade of the last century in particular was extremely rich in political, diplomatic and military events. Within this international context, Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu (1934-1937) sought to establish bilateral contacts – with the great powers of Europe, but mainly with the members of the Little Entente – meant to both strengthen bilateral relations and clarify the states’ perspective on the events in progress. During his visits to Belgrade and Prague – as emerges from the press of the time – Gheorghe Tătărescu permanently advocated maintaining the status-quo and the political, economic and military cooperation between the states of the Little Entente.

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll

This article considers the role played by discourses of nature in structuring the cultural politics of anti-GMO activism. It argues that such discourses have been successful rhetorical tools for activists because they mobilize widely resonant nature-culture dualisms that separate the natural and human worlds. However, these discourses hold dubious political implications. In valorizing the natural as a source of essential truth, natural purity discourses fail to challenge how naturalizations have been used to legitimize sexist, racist and colonial systems of injustice and oppression. Rather, they revitalize the discursive purchase of appeals to nature as a justification for the status quo, indirectly reinforcing existing power relations. Moreover, these discourses fail to challenge the critical though contingent reality of GMOs' location within the wider framework of neoliberal social relations. Fortunately, appeals to natural purity have not been the only effective strategy for opposing GMOs. Activist campaigns that directly target the political economic implications of GMOs within the context of neoliberalism have also had successes without resorting to appeals to the purity of nature. The successes of these campaigns suggest that while nature-culture dualisms remain politically effective normative groundings, concerns over equity, farmers' rights, and democracy retain potential as ideological terrains in the struggle for social justice.


Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (29) ◽  
pp. 191-200
Author(s):  
Laura Fox

Poverty is one of the most significant issues facing the world today. Although Western news media often report on the manifestations of poverty—famine, overcrowding, epidemics, or natural disasters—they rarely reflect the political, economic, and ideological structures that have directly caused and continue to exacerbate it on a global scale. This article argues that Western news media communicate global poverty, as a pressing issue, but ultimately fail to point out underlying causes or suggest any changes to the status quo. This fosters an understanding of poverty as a series of events, rather than the lived daily experience of many. This article, therefore, investigates the structures of neocolonial capitalism and neoliberal ideologies that gained momentum in the 20th century and continue to frame the content of news media today. Discussing the concepts of ‘compassion fatigue’ and Anthony Downs’ ‘issue-attention cycle’, this article is a normative analysis of news media, exploring new ways to educate citizens on the global political economy. Drawing on the work of Lauren Berlant and Robert McChesney, this article ultimately discusses new ways of communicating poverty, which will require an acknowledgement of neocolonialism and a rethinking of crisis as lived daily experience.


Author(s):  
Ian Bowers ◽  
Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning

This chapter explores the domestic and international sources of Japan's adjustment to the power shift in Sino-Japanese relations. It argues that the growth of the Chinese economy, which is now larger than the Japanese economy, and the modernization of the Chinese Navy pose a mounting challenge to Japanese security and its secure access to sea lanes of communication. China's rise and developments in Japanese domestic politics have produced a multifaceted Japanese strategic response to prevent China from posing a significant threat to Japanese security. Under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's leadership, Japan has strengthened its domestic capabilities with reform of its national security policymaking institutions and relaxed restrictions on international military cooperation.


Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 970-991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip C. Saunders

Long-term political, economic, and military trends are reshaping the security environment in the Taiwan Strait in potentially destabilizing ways and undermining the ““one China”” framework. The United States has become more deeply involved in cross-strait relations to maintain stability and preserve the status quo, but this approach may not be sustainable.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 888-889
Author(s):  
Mazlan Othman

Developing countries have their own particular political, economic and cultural circumstances. There are, therefore, no unique solutions. However there are some factors which are common to all or most of them, namely the lack of human and financial resources and in most cases an absence of a political commitment to the advancement of science. Such situations are in a sense not peculiar to developing nations because in some developed countries astronomy has a ‘developing’ status. Even in countries where astronomy is well established, the commitment and allocations required to maintain the status quo need to be continuously addressed. Hence strategies for fighting this “constant battle” are relevant to all astronomers of the world, while being especially vital to those in the developing world.


2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
William C. Wohlforth

Most scholars hold that the consequences of unipolarity for great power conflict are indeterminate and that a power shift resulting in a return to bipolarity or multipolarity will not raise the specter of great power war. This article calls into question the core assumptions underlying the consensus: (1) that people are mainly motivated by the instrumental pursuit of tangible ends such as physical security and material prosperity and (2) that major powers' satisfaction with the status quo is relatively independent of the distribution of capabilities. in fact, it is known that people are motivated powerfully by a noninstrumental concern for relative status, and there is strong empirical evidence linking the salience of those concerns to distributions of resources. If the status of states depends in some measure on their relative capabilities and if states derive utility from status, then different distributions of capabilities may affect levels of satisfaction, just as different income distributions may affect levels of status competition in domestic settings. Building on research in psychology and sociology, the author argues that even capabilities distributions among major powers foster ambiguous status hierarchies, which generate more dissatisfaction and clashes over the status quo. and the more stratified the distribution of capabilities, the less likely such status competition is. Unipolarity thus augurs for great power peace, and a shift back to bipolarity or multipolarity raises the probability of war even among great powers with little material cause to fight.


1979 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajni Kothari

If about 200 years ago history took a new turn (leading to the global domination - political, economic, cultural and ideological - of the West), it is now again ripe for a new turn (as the result of its unfolding). But the turn cannot be taken without human intervention any more than it was taken 200 years ago. Indeed, intervention is being actively made through various strategems by the beneficiaries, and therefore guardians, of the status quo. To counter this, the paper proposes the kind of intervention that will demolish the existing structures of in-built violence, inequity, domination and insensate exploitation both of vast sections of humanity and of nature, and pave the way for the emergence of a world that is humane and just, peaceful and secure, and one that ensures to all human entities no less than to individuals a livable life of dignity and freedom. A strategy for such intervention must needs be based on a correct understanding of the dialectic of the historical process to avoid the pitfall of utopian model-building, identify the forces wanting or needing and working for change, fuse them into a strong global coalition, and identify the points where interventions can be successfully made to bring about the desired change.


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