Saving Children, Damning Adults? An Examination of Public Support for Juvenile Rehabilitation and Adult Punishment

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 470-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Welch ◽  
Leah Fikre Butler ◽  
Marc Gertz

Research shows that public preferences about justice system approaches to decreasing illegal behavior distinguish between adult and juvenile offending. We also know that fear of crime and perceived risk of victimization typically strengthen support for harsh punishments and reduce support for rehabilitation. What has yet to be demonstrated—and that we examine here—is whether there are youth-specific differences in the way that crime salience affects public support for punitive versus rehabilitative policies and to what extent confidence in the criminal and juvenile justice systems affects punishment orientations toward adults and juveniles. Essentially, we examine why some Americans support “child saving” yet condemn adults. This exploratory study’s findings indicate that while crime salience increases the likelihood that one will support harsh adult criminal measures, it is not associated with similar attitudes toward juvenile delinquents. Further, those for whom crime salience is lower have a greater probability of supporting rehabilitation for both juveniles and adults. Finally, results show that support for the rehabilitation of youth persists despite crime salience among those who are otherwise punitive toward adults. Justice ideology appears unaffected by confidence in the justice systems. Policy implications and recommendations for future research are offered.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
John Zhuang Liu

Abstract This article is the first to report the nationwide public support rate for the death penalty in China. Using a national representative sample with 31,664 respondents, it shows that 68 per cent of China's citizens are for the death penalty, while 31 per cent are opposed to it. These numbers suggest that support for capital punishment in China, although strong, is much weaker than in some other East Asian jurisdictions and less than first assumed by commentators. However, contrary to previous notions that public support for the death penalty derives from uninformed popular prejudice, it is the elites in China – i.e. those who receive higher education – who are more in favour of the death penalty. Further empirical analyses suggest that this is not because of political ideology or fear of crime. Rather, the reason is likely that the elites know fewer, and sympathize less with, criminal offenders, who generally come from underprivileged groups. These findings challenge a range of prevailing perceptions of public attitudes to the death penalty in China, especially the culture explanation for the Chinese public's punitiveness, and have important policy implications.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jodi Lane ◽  
Gaylene S. Armstrong ◽  
Kathleen A. Fox

This study examines whether neighborhood factors found to predict fear of crime among the general population can be adapted to explain inmate fear of victimization inside juvenile correctional institutions. We test (a) whether institutional physical disorder, resident trust, and formal social control can predict fear of victimization, and (b) whether the importance of these factors for fear of victimization varies based on preincarceration street gang status. Using data from a large national sample of incarcerated youths, findings indicate non-gang members are more afraid of institutional victimization than gang members, confirming findings about levels of fear between these groups on the street. “Neighborhood” (institutional) physical disorder and resident trust predicted fear for gang and non-gang youths, whereas formal social control was significant only among non-gang youths. We discuss policy implications and directions for future research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1224-1246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Chadee ◽  
Nikita K. Ng Ying ◽  
Mary Chadee ◽  
Linda Heath

Prior research on fear of crime has focused less on psychological causes than on sociological and demographic factors. This study, however, introduces time perspective (TP) as an important psychological variable in the understanding of fear of crime. Specifically, the article assesses the relationship between TP as a stable personality factor and the mediation of risk and general fear on fear of crime levels. Data were collected using the survey method from a sample of 375 respondents utilizing the following scales: Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) consisting of five TP subscales, Ferraro’s perceived risk of victimization and fear of crime scales, and a general (non-crime) fear scale measuring pragmatic and abstract fear. Path analysis shows no significant direct relationships between the five TP subscales and fear of crime. However, indirect effects are observed for Past Negative TP and Present Fatalistic TP, with general fear (pragmatic and abstract) and risk of victimization mediating the relationship, and pragmatic fear having the greatest significant effect size. Results are discussed in the context of risk and general fear sensitivity and construal level theory. We conclude with recommendations for future research.


Author(s):  
Tetsuro Kobayashi ◽  
Jaehyun Song ◽  
Polly Chan

Abstract Does political repression extinguish public support for opposition demands? Protest emerges as a consequence of grievances and political preferences expressed as demands. Although the literature on the repression–dissent nexus has primarily focused on whether repression effectively deters dissenting behavior, a limitation is that researchers do not often distinguish between behavior and preferences. One possible implication is that although the observable protest behavior can be reduced by repression, underlying opposition demands may remain intact or even be strengthened. Hence, the question of why repression should alter public preferences remains theoretically under-investigated, because there is limited micro-level evidence that captures changes in opposition preferences induced by a repressive episode. We fielded comparable conjoint experiments before and after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law in June 2020. Support for the demands was largely stable despite the sweeping powers of the law to curb protests, although some moderation of demands was observed. We outline avenues for future research on mechanisms and implications entailed by the effects of repression on preferences.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Brown

This study provides analyses of data on crime-associated trepidation obtained from surveys administered to college students in South Korea. The survey contained questions about, and the analyses distinguished between, offense-specific fears (fear of burglary and fear of home invasion), perceived risk of victimization (day and night), and crime avoidance behaviors (avoidance of nocturnal activity and avoidance of particular areas). Regression analyses of the data show that victimization was not consistently associated with crime-associated trepidation, while gender significantly impacted all measures of concern about crime. Women were more likely than men to report being fearful, perceiving risk, and crime avoidance behaviors. Building upon prior scholarship (for example, Madriz 1997; Stanko 1989) and considering the social context in which the data were gathered, it is herein suggested that the gendered variation in crime-associated anxiety may reflect patriarchal power relations. The methodological and policy implications of the study are also discussed.


Author(s):  
Iva Zvěřinová ◽  
Vojtěch Máca ◽  
Milan Ščasný ◽  
Rosa Strube ◽  
Sibila Marques ◽  
...  

The aim of this paper is to understand public preferences for several future scenarios of achieving a healthier, more equitable and sustainable Europe, which differ in the way the society is organized (individualistically vs. collectively) and in the driving sector (public vs. private). To achieve this aim, we conducted a questionnaire survey using representative samples for five European countries in 2018. About three thousand respondents chose among the four scenarios presented within four different contexts (green spaces, active mobility, energy-efficient housing, food consumption) or none of them. A majority of people in the five European countries were ready to accept one of the scenarios. We found significant differences in preferences according to socioeconomic backgrounds and values of respondents. People above 35 years old, those who were less educated, and those in the lowest household income tertile were less supportive of all scenarios. The heterogeneity in preferences associated with differences in socioeconomic backgrounds was larger for the scenario in which society is organized individualistically and driven by the private sector. Smaller distinctions were found in case of the scenario in which society is organized collectively and is driven by the public sector. Departing from social psychological theories, we examine the role of altruistic, biospheric, egoistic, hedonic, and security values. People with stronger biospheric values were more likely to accept scenarios, particularly those which are driven by the public sector and where there is more collective organisation. Those with a more egoistic value orientation were more likely to have higher preferences for scenarios where the private sector had a dominant role. The policy implications, in terms of the selection and framing of policy measures to enhance public support, are discussed.


1994 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Goodey

This paper attempts to re-address a number of issues raised in debates on fear of crime, and in particular women’s fear of crime, with the argument for research of a much neglected section of the population, children. It is argued that gendered socialisation practices are crucial during the adolescent years with the emergence of the individual as ‘sexual being’, so leading to differential fear of crime between the sexes. Developmental fear processes are postulated and related to existing theories on global gender constructs and the notion of fear. Evidence is elicited from adult victimisation surveys, and from current research on adolescents. Future research directions and policy implications are examined.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Yuan ◽  
Beidi Dong ◽  
Chris Melde

Drawing on Bandura’s self-efficacy theory, the current study investigates the relationship between individuals’ perceived self-efficacy of avoiding unsafe situations and fear of violence in a neighborhood context. Specifically, it is hypothesized that adolescents who report higher levels of street efficacy are less likely to exhibit fear of violence than adolescents who report lower levels of street efficacy. Using panel data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, the authors estimate a series of multilevel ordinal logistic regression models to explain the relationship between street efficacy and fear of violence controlling for both individual-level and neighborhood-level covariates. The results confirm the hypothesis that adolescents’ prior street efficacy is negatively associated with subsequent fear of violence. The current study suggests that a social cognitive perspective should be incorporated into the fear of crime literature. Policy implications of the findings are discussed, along with suggestions for future research.


Author(s):  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Michael J. Nelson

We have investigated the differences in support for the U.S. Supreme Court among black, Hispanic, and white Americans, catalogued the variation in African Americans’ group attachments and experiences with legal authorities, and examined how those latter two factors shape individuals’ support for the U.S. Supreme Court, that Court’s decisions, and for their local legal system. We take this opportunity to weave our findings together, taking stock of what we have learned from our analyses and what seem like fruitful paths for future research. In the process, we revisit Positivity Theory. We present a modified version of the theory that we hope will guide future inquiry on public support for courts, both in the United States and abroad.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


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