Vertically Disconnected

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Jennifer Epley ◽  
Eunsook Jung

Although Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world, secular political parties have been more successful than Islamic parties in the last four legislative elections since the country democratised in 1998. Why have Islamic parties been unable to dominate Indonesian electoral politics? This article argues that the underperformance of Islamic parties is because Islam itself is not a sufficient variable for political affiliation. Instead, we must analyse interactions among voters, Muslim civil society and Islamic political parties. The disconnection and fragmentation of linkages between these three levels explain electoral weaknesses over time. Original fieldwork research and survey data provide strong evidence for this argument.

Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.


Author(s):  
Hosen Nadirsyah

This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ahmad Khoirul Umam ◽  
Akhmad Arif Junaidi

The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political Islam‟s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‟ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 459
Author(s):  
Ibnu Burdah

The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Yılmaz Bingöl ◽  
Israel Nyaburi Nyadera ◽  
Gershon Dagba

This article aims to examine the legacy and policy of AK Party in Turkey, Ennahda’s political movement in Tunisia, and Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) in Bangladesh, which is ostensibly identified with Islamic political ideology and acquainted with the world as a ‘moderate-conservative political Islam party.’ The study interrogates the nature, processes, and the characteristic features of the three countries’ administrative system, comparatively from three regions of the world, particularly from the Middle East and Europe region, Africa and Arab region, and the South Asian region. This study also highlights these political parties’ history, political ideology differences, and their practices reflective of democratic principles from a theoretical perspective on politics, policy, and philosophy. It also acknowledges whether the political development of Turkey from 2002 onward is feasible for Bangladeshi and Tunisian Islamic political parties to accept as a role model in their political arena.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (03) ◽  
pp. 415-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred G. Cuzán

ABSTRACTDrawing on more than 500 elections from around the world, this article presents five empirical laws of politics. Four of these laws span democracies and dictatorships, and one sets a boundary between the two. In both regimes the governing party or coalition represents a minority of the electorate. In democracies this minority usually represents a plurality that amounts to about one third of the electorate. Judging by the outcome of the first free elections in regimes undergoing a transition, there is reason to believe that in dictatorships the minority is much smaller. Even as they have an advantage over the opposition, the incumbents experience an erosion of support over time. In democracies this leads to alternation in office, which in turn ensures that across many elections about two-thirds of the electorate gets to see its favorite party or coalition in government from time to time. In dictatorships, during long periods in office, support for the ruling party shrinks to insignificance. Also in democracies, it is rare for incumbents to receive more than 60 percent of the vote, and itneverhappens twice within the same spell in government. This appears to be a reliable indicator that differentiatesalldemocracies frommostdictatorships. The conclusion is inescapable—the dictatorial “passion for unanimity” and illusion of “organic unity” notwithstanding, the state is a plurality. The will of the electorate emerges as a result of competition among political parties.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Wuttke

This chapter investigates the amount of variability in individual turnout decisions over time and its dependence on the changing characteristics of political parties as one feature of the political context. Electoral participation in the German federal elections from 1994 to 2013 was characterized by inertia for most eligible voters. However, one reason for dynamics in turnout behavior is changes in individual alienation with regard to the political parties. When voters develop a more favorable view of the political parties than in the previous election in terms of the parties’ generalized evaluation or perceived competence, then they are motivated to switch from abstention to voting (and vice versa). But the political parties’ capacity to raise turnout rates is rather narrow compared to the influence of other determinants, such as the perceived duty to vote.Wuttke, Alexander (2017). "When the world around you is changing: Investigating the Influence of Alienation and Indifference on Voter Turnout", in: Schoen, Harald; Roßteutscher, Sigrid; Schmitt-Beck, Rüdiger; Weßels, Bernhard; Wolf, Christof (eds.): "Voters and Voting in Context", Oxford University Press, pp. pp. 146–166.


ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-125
Author(s):  
ICR Admin

Corruption is no doubt one of the most serious problems faced by many countries, including Muslim countries such as Indonesia. Sometimes it might seem that the teachings of Islam - a religion which prohibits corruption - alone do not work to prevent Muslims from conducting such harmful acts. The author of this article therefore looks at other factors that influence Muslims in their daily lives and reviews the status of governance. In his view, one way to address the problem of corruption would be the fostering of good governance. However, at the same time Muslims would need a vibrant and dynamic civil society that can play a crucial role in the creation and empowerment of good governance. In Indonesia, a majority Muslim country - in fact the largest Muslim country in the world - a large number of Islam-based civil societies exist. The author discusses the role of Islamic teachings against corruption, and the recent experiences of Indonesia in combating this vice, particularly the role of an Islamic civil society sphere.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy L. Rosenblum

One under-theorized aspect of "multiculturalism and the antidiscrimination principle" is religious and ethnicity based political parties. With political organization, the fact of pluralism is made concrete for democratic purposes. When the struggle for empowerment is "waged within the world of democratic politics" it is waged through parties. That is the associational form modern democracies have settled on for participation, representation, and governing, and for countervailing power and regular opposition. Particularist parties and bloc voting are key instruments of political conflict and, as important, of political integration. This Paper looks at the challenges these parties pose to democracy; specifically, at the principal reasons given for banning parties from participation in electoral politics. I identify four categories of justification for disqualification: violent overthrow, incitement to hate, altering the character of the nation, and outside support or control. This is a preliminary to setting out regulative principles of "defensive democracy."


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