scholarly journals Political Islam: The shrinking trend and the future trajectory of Islamic political parties in Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ahmad Khoirul Umam ◽  
Akhmad Arif Junaidi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Religious Conservatism ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political Islam‟s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‟ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world.

Vertically Disconnected

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Jennifer Epley ◽  
Eunsook Jung
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
Over Time

Although Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world, secular political parties have been more successful than Islamic parties in the last four legislative elections since the country democratised in 1998. Why have Islamic parties been unable to dominate Indonesian electoral politics? This article argues that the underperformance of Islamic parties is because Islam itself is not a sufficient variable for political affiliation. Instead, we must analyse interactions among voters, Muslim civil society and Islamic political parties. The disconnection and fragmentation of linkages between these three levels explain electoral weaknesses over time. Original fieldwork research and survey data provide strong evidence for this argument.

Relasi Agama dan Demokrasi; Telaah Kritis Eksistensi Partai Islam Di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Cultural Anthropology ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Actual Reality ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Religion And Democracy

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam

Toward Islam Through Political Parties, Ideology, and Democracy: A Discourse Analysis on Turkey’s AK Party, Tunisian Ennahda, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Yılmaz Bingöl ◽  
Israel Nyaburi Nyadera ◽  
Gershon Dagba
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The World ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This article aims to examine the legacy and policy of AK Party in Turkey, Ennahda’s political movement in Tunisia, and Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) in Bangladesh, which is ostensibly identified with Islamic political ideology and acquainted with the world as a ‘moderate-conservative political Islam party.’ The study interrogates the nature, processes, and the characteristic features of the three countries’ administrative system, comparatively from three regions of the world, particularly from the Middle East and Europe region, Africa and Arab region, and the South Asian region. This study also highlights these political parties’ history, political ideology differences, and their practices reflective of democratic principles from a theoretical perspective on politics, policy, and philosophy. It also acknowledges whether the political development of Turkey from 2002 onward is feasible for Bangladeshi and Tunisian Islamic political parties to accept as a role model in their political arena.

“Moderates” Redefined: How To Deal with Political Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 108 (722) ◽  
pp. 402-409
Author(s):  
Emile Nakhleh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Gradual Change ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

It is imperative for the United States to engage mainstream Islamic political parties that are committed to gradual change through the ballot box.

scholarly journals Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
Public Knowledge ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Party Institutionalization ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.

scholarly journals What are political parties doing on TikTok? The Spanish case

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Carles Marín-Lladó
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Young People ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The World

TikTok, already widely used before the pandemic, boomed during the quarantine that locked down large parts of the world, reaching 2 billion downloads and 800 million monthly active users worldwide by the end of 2020. Of these 800 million users, 41% are aged between 16 and 24 years. This social network, widely known for its entertainment videos, is increasingly becoming a place for political discussion and therefore a unique opportunity for political actors to (re)connect with young people. Acknowledging that the political uses of TikTok are still understudied, this paper aims to explore whether and how Spanish political parties are including TikTok as part of their communication strategy. Through an affordance-centered content analysis of all the posts published by the five most important Spanish political parties (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox), the current results show that, although all Spanish political parties have adopted this platform, their usage is unequal. From a quantitative perspective, PP was the first party to open a TikTok account, but its usage has been discontinuous; Podemos and Ciudadanos are the parties that publish the most and most constantly, while Vox has only published nine posts and the PSOE one. Nonetheless, from a qualitative perspective, Podemos and Vox generate more engagement and seem to understand and exploit TikTok’s specific affordances better. The findings allow it to be concluded that, although globally Spanish political parties do not fully exploit the platform’s affordances and tend to use it as a unilateral tool for promotion, the most engaging posts are those favoring interaction and geared toward politainment.

scholarly journals A comunicação dos partidos políticos portugueses no Facebook: A campanha eleitoral no meio digital

Prisma Com ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 7-46
Author(s):  
Bárbara Ramos ◽  
Cláudia Rafaela Lobo ◽  
Henrique Tomé ◽  
Salomé Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Social

This article aims to understand how the Portuguese political parties with parliamentary seat use the social network Facebook as a tool for public relations, hoping to verify what it might mean in the communication strategy of each party. To understand the main objective of this research, we will present theoretical bases related to the social network Facebook, political communication and political communication in social networks, which will support the subsequent methodological analysis. The survey was based on all Facebook publications of the nine parties during the official campaign period before the 2019 Legislative Elections, (between the September 22nd and the October 4th). For this, tables were elaborated that include all publications and data related to those publications. Based on this, techniques such as observation, bibliographic research and content analysis were used.

scholarly journals TikTok and the new language of political communication

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 267-287
Author(s):  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Santiago Tejedor ◽  
Carles Marín Lladó
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Emotional Response ◽  
Special Effects ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The World ◽  
Short Video ◽  
Good And Evil ◽  
Video Format

Introduction: Political parties struggle to reconnect to Young people by using social networks. Acknowledging that 2020 has been the year of TikTok, most Spanish political parties have joined this social network: Podemos, with 191.400 followers and 3.1 million likes, is the most followed political party on this platform. Method: Using multimodal content analysis, this paper aims at analyzing how the party is using this social network, and for which purposes, placing the attention on how Podemos has adapted to TikTok specificities in terms of both language and technical affordances. Results: Results show that while the party perfectly adapts to TikTok’s specific language and technical affordances (special effects, etc.), instead of focusing on entertainment, the platform’s main genre, it uses TikTok as a showcase for political activities, failing in favoring a renovating relationship with users. However, politics is represented through the “game frame”, that is to say, dramatized as a battlefield between Good and Evil, which strengthens the populist dichotomous vision of the world, endorsing emotional response. Conclusion: In this sense, it is possible to conclude that, although Podemos mainly displays political content, this content falls into the category of politainment. Considering that present trends in usage rates suggest that the short-video format is the future of social media, we might expect an increase in politainmement content.

Schematic Structure of Manifesto Launch Speeches of Three Political Parties

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 672-690
Author(s):  
Joseph Benjamin Archibald Afful ◽  
Rexford Boateng Gyasi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Academic Setting ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The World ◽  
Scholarly Attention

A key pre-election spoken genre in several modern democracies is unarguably the manifesto launch speech. Yet, it has surprisingly received either very little or no scholarly attention. Consequently, from a rhetorical perspective, this study examined the schematic structure of three keynote speeches delivered by presidential aspirants of three leading political parties in Ghana – New Patriotic Party (NPP), National Democratic Congress (NDC), and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) – to launch their political parties’ manifestos in 2016. The three speeches delivered by the presidential candidates of the three parties constituted the data set for the study. Applying the popular Swalesean rhetorical move analysis, originally meant for the academic setting, the study identified the use of a nine-move pattern as the schematic structure for the genre across the three speeches, with four ambiguous moves. These findings of the study have implication for the standardizing of the schematic structure of manifesto launch speeches worldwide and, thus, contributes to the scholarship on the political manifesto genre, political communication as well as further research on manifesto launch speeches in other democracies around the world.

Internet and Political Parties in Chile

2010 ◽  
pp. 276-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Araya Moreno ◽  
Diego Barría ◽  
Gustavo Campos
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
New Information ◽  
The World ◽  
Information And Communication

Due to the importance that the Internet has gained as a means of communication, literature on political communication has incorporated it as one of its preferred topics of focus. Literature stems almost entirely from Europe and the United States. Very little is known about the political use of new information and communication technologies (NICTs) in other parts of the world. The present chapter aims to provide evidence in that line, starting from the study of the incorporation of the Chilean political parties to the Internet. In specific, the following questions are answered: In what extent do factors such as the organizational characteristics of the political parties explain their greater or lesser adoption of NICTs? What do parties use NICTs for? Furthermore, although briefly, the authors will try to answer the question whether the parties have experienced change in their interaction with the citizenry and their bases because of the usage of NICTs.

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