Terrorism and SAARC

1987 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-137
Author(s):  
Partha S. Ghosh

The menace of terrorism which is uppermost on the agenda of several governments of the world these days has rightly been characterised as wars that need not require violation of national frontiers. The allusion here of course is to international terrorism. But the border line demarcating “national” and international terrorism is itself so blurred that it would indeed be unrealistic to distinguish one from another. Thanks to the growing complexities of the international system, coupled with an unprecedented technological revolution, the tremour of terroristic activities are often felt thousands of miles away from their epicentres. The concept of a global village seems to be expressing itself with a vengeance.

Author(s):  
Eduard Bogmatsera

The purpose of the study is to analyse the current situation in the field of building a unified universal system to counter international terrorism. The subject of the study is the norms of international law and national legislation, as well as the practice of their implementation in the field of combating international terrorism. The article justifies the problematic aspects of building a unified effective system to counter terrorism and extremism at the present stage of development of the world community. The reasons for this negative situation, which indicates the absence of a unified integrated system to counter terrorism, are highlighted, primarily because of the multidimensional nature of the socially unacceptable phenomenon itself. The solution of this problem in the current context of the spread of terrorism and extremism should be one of the main functions not only of individual States, but also of the world community as a whole, represented by universal and special international organizations. The study shows that it is impossible to establish a universal international system to counter terrorism in the context of the prevailing political situation and stagnation in the question of the legal establishment at the international level of the concept of terrorism and international terrorism. In the maintenance of this problem three main aspects are considered: right regulatory, right realizable and ideological, the compromise and the coordinated position of the states within everyone them will allow to overcome crisis on the way of creation of a uniform universal system of fight against terrorism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 248-270
Author(s):  
Robert I. Rotberg

Africa’s technological revolution is well underway, is transformative for human and economic development and greatly influences the conduct of politics. Where Africans were once relatively uninformed about the alternatives available to them in the spheres of political participation, economic path dependency, and social progress, now the glories of the World Wide Web, Google, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and straightforward SMS have brought the globe’s myriad opportunities and experiences to their urban and village dwellings. Amazon, Microsoft, and Huawei are all rolling out major data centers (cloud computing hubs) in South Africa and East Africa. The emergence of Africa’s middle class is facilitated by this new technologically enabled knowledge. Even remote villagers are able to feel a part of something all-encompassing. Technology has expanded horizons, enlarged existing vistas, and provided a solid foundation for further innovative embraces of the global village in the decades ahead—when there will be many more young Africans to build upon such existing edifices. Things no longer fall apart.


Author(s):  
Seva Gunitsky

Over the past century, democracy spread around the world in turbulent bursts of change, sweeping across national borders in dramatic cascades of revolution and reform. This book offers a new global-oriented explanation for this wavelike spread and retreat—not only of democracy but also of its twentieth-century rivals, fascism, and communism. The book argues that waves of regime change are driven by the aftermath of cataclysmic disruptions to the international system. These hegemonic shocks, marked by the sudden rise and fall of great powers, have been essential and often-neglected drivers of domestic transformations. Though rare and fleeting, they not only repeatedly alter the global hierarchy of powerful states but also create unique and powerful opportunities for sweeping national reforms—by triggering military impositions, swiftly changing the incentives of domestic actors, or transforming the basis of political legitimacy itself. As a result, the evolution of modern regimes cannot be fully understood without examining the consequences of clashes between great powers, which repeatedly—and often unsuccessfully—sought to cajole, inspire, and intimidate other states into joining their camps.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-100
Author(s):  
Bakare Adewale Muteeu

In pursuit of a capitalist world configuration, the causal phenomenon of globalization spread its cultural values in the built international system, as evidenced by the dichotomy between the rich North and the poor South. This era of cultural globalization is predominantly characterized by social inequality, economic inequality and instability, political instability, social injustice, and environmental change. Consequently, the world is empirically infected by divergent global inequalities among nations and people, as evidenced by the numerous problems plaguing humanity. This article seeks to understand Islam from the viewpoint of technological determinism in attempt to offset these diverging global inequalities for its “sociopolitical economy”1existence, as well as the stabilization of the interconnected world. Based upon the unifying view of microIslamics, the meaning of Islam and its globalizing perspectives are deciphered on a built micro-religious platform. Finally, the world is rebuilt via the Open World Peace (OWP) paradigm, from which the fluidity of open globalization is derived as a future causal phenomenon for seamlessly bridging (or contracting) the gaps between the rich-rich, rich-poor, poor-rich and poor-poor nations and people based on common civilization fronts.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


2021 ◽  
pp. 223386592110183
Author(s):  
Kaushik Roy

Before the onset of the industrial revolution, China and India were the two biggest powers in Eurasia. Their total population comprised almost half of the world’s population. And the GNP of premodern China was half of the combined GNP of the world. Before circa 1600 CE, most of the textiles and iron in the world were manufactured in these two countries. China and India suffered a temporary eclipse during the age of colonialism. However, with the rise of the economic and military power of China and India from the late 20th century, it seems that these two countries are bound to reclaim their traditional positions as big powers in the international system. However, there is a caveat. In the premodern era, the Himalayas prevented any intimate contact between the ‘dragon’ and the ‘elephant’. But, from the mid-20th century, advances in technology, economic competition and the annexation of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) among other factors resulted in China and India coming into direct contact with each other. The result has been cooperation–competition–conflict. And this has had consequences not only for these two countries but for the whole world. The present article attempts to trace the troubled trajectory of India’s China policy from the late 1940s (when these two countries became independent) up to the present day.


1998 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ertman

Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000203972199039
Author(s):  
Thomas Kwasi Tieku

Conventional narratives suggest that the African Union Commission (AUC), like most international public administrations and international organisations (IOs) housed in the less materially endowed regions of the world, exercises no meaningful agency on international issues. This article however seeks to show that the AUC is neither a glorified messenger and docile follower of orders of governments nor is it an empty vessel that timidly goes where the wind of governments blows. Rather, the AUC exercises significant agency on issues that affect not just the African continent but also the broader international system. The AUC is often at the heart of international agenda-setting, norm development, decision-making, rule creation, policy development, and it sometimes offer strategic leadership. The article demonstrates six pathways through which the AUC acts like a tail wagging a dog.


Author(s):  
Syahrin Harahap

Globalization in the world has given the huge impact on the people, as the new condition of the world has brought the world to the globalism- a consciousness and understanding that the world is one. Globalization has also unified the people in a global village that covers all aspects of life such as economic, political, cultural, religious aspects. This paper will explore the concept of wa¡a¯iyyah which stresses on the moderation and accommodative way and its implementation in Southeast Asia. The main idea of the wa¡a¯iyyah or moderation in religious life is that it offers the importance of realizing the concept of Islamic blessing for all the Universe (Islam; Ra¥matan lil ±lam³n). Therefore, the main offer of the Muslim wa¡a¯iyyah movement is to focus on developing civilization, freedom, justice, prosperity and better future for all the people. It is the main capital of the Wa¡a¯iyyah in Southeast Asia to give the significant contribution to the globalization of the world.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document