Rethinking the Concept of Negativity: An Empirical Approach

2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keena Lipsitz ◽  
John G. Geer

Over the last twenty years, there has been a tremendous amount written on “negativity” in political campaigns. Yet, there is a conceptual disconnect between the definition of negativity used by researchers and how citizens define negativity. In this article, we show how large this disparity is and what its consequences are. Using a nationally representative online survey of 17,400 Americans and nearly 100 scholars of American politics who viewed presidential ads from the 2012 general election, we show that citizen perceptions of negativity are much stronger predictors of political participation than scholar codings of negativity. This means researchers need to give serious thought to how they operationalize negativity in their work. If we have any interest in understanding how voters are affected by campaign information that they perceive as being negative, then we must collect data consistent with the public’s understanding of negativity. Otherwise, we risk the continuation of this conceptual disconnect.

Author(s):  
Liam McLoughlin ◽  
Rosalynd Southern

Following the 2017 UK general election, there was much debate about the so-called ‘youthquake’, or increase in youth turnout (YouGov). Some journalists claimed it was the ‘. . . memes wot won it’. This article seeks to understand the role of memes during political campaigns. Combining meta-data and content analysis, this article aims to answer three questions. First, who creates political memes? Second, what is the level of engagement with political memes and who engages with them? Finally, can any meaningful political information be derived from memes? The findings here suggest that by far the most common producers of memes were citizens suggesting that memes may be a form of citizen-initiated political participation. There was a high level of engagement with memes with almost half a million shares in our sample. However, the level of policy information in memes was low suggesting they are unlikely to increase political knowledge.


Author(s):  
John H. Aldrich ◽  
Melanie Freeze

This chapter considers how dynamics in public opinion combine with changes in participation and in the degree of elite (specifically, congressional) polarization in this regard. It begins by discussing the systematic changes in polarization and participation. Since the importance of a liberal-conservative dimension and left-right thinking in the public may be of less obvious importance for understanding American politics, given its peripheral position in the study of public opinion, this chapter develops a set of claims regarding its existence and relevance and then considers how it might fit into the polarization-participation-public opinion dynamics. To support its arguments, the chapter draws on data from American National Election Studies (ANES) surveys, surveys of donors to political campaigns, and surveys of delegates to national conventions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weihua Yang ◽  
Bo Zheng ◽  
Maonian Wu ◽  
Shaojun Zhu ◽  
Hongxia Zhou ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND Artificial intelligence (AI) is widely applied in the medical field, especially in ophthalmology. In the development of ophthalmic artificial intelligence, some problems worthy of attention have gradually emerged, among which the ophthalmic AI-related recognition issues are particularly prominent. That is to say, currently, there is a lack of research into people's familiarity with and their attitudes toward ophthalmic AI. OBJECTIVE This survey aims to assess medical workers’ and other professional technicians’ familiarity with AI, as well as their attitudes toward and concerns of ophthalmic AI. METHODS An electronic questionnaire was designed through the Questionnaire Star APP, an online survey software and questionnaire tool, and was sent to relevant professional workers through Wechat, China’s version of Facebook or WhatsApp. The participation was based on a voluntary and anonymous principle. The questionnaire mainly consisted of four parts, namely the participant’s background, the participant's basic understanding of AI, the participant's attitude toward AI, and the participant's concerns about AI. A total of 562 participants were counted, with 562 valid questionnaires returned. The results of the questionnaires are displayed in an Excel 2003 form. RESULTS A total of 562 professional workers completed the questionnaire, of whom 291 were medical workers and 271 were other professional technicians. About 37.9% of the participants understood AI, and 31.67% understood ophthalmic AI. The percentages of people who understood ophthalmic AI among medical workers and other professional technicians were about 42.61% and 15.6%, respectively. About 66.01% of the participants thought that ophthalmic AI would partly replace doctors, with about 59.07% still having a relatively high acceptance level of ophthalmic AI. Meanwhile, among those with ophthalmic AI application experiences (30.6%), respectively about 84.25% of medical professionals and 73.33% of other professional technicians held a full acceptance attitude toward ophthalmic AI. The participants expressed concerns that ophthalmic AI might bring about issues such as the unclear definition of medical responsibilities, the difficulty of ensuring service quality, and the medical ethics risks. And among the medical workers and other professional technicians who understood ophthalmic AI, 98.39%, and 95.24%, respectively, said that there was a need to increase the study of medical ethics issues in the ophthalmic AI field. CONCLUSIONS Analysis of the questionnaire results shows that the medical workers have a higher understanding level of ophthalmic AI than other professional technicians, making it necessary to popularize ophthalmic AI education among other professional technicians. Most of the participants did not have any experience in ophthalmic AI, but generally had a relatively high acceptance level of ophthalmic AI, believing that doctors would partly be replaced by it and that there was a need to strengthen research into medical ethics issues of the field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Hagen ◽  
A Georgescu

Abstract Background Pain is a nearly universal experience, but little is known about how people treat pain. This international survey assessed real-world pain management strategies. Methods From 13-31 January, 2020, an online survey funded by GSK Consumer Healthcare was conducted in local languages in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Mexico, Poland, Russia, Spain, Sweden, UK, and USA. Adults were recruited from online panels of people who agreed to participate in surveys. Quotas ensured nationally representative online populations based on age, gender, and region. Results Of 19,000 people (1000/country) who completed the survey, 18,602 (98%) had ever experienced physical pain; 76% said they would like to control their pain better. Presented with 17 pain-management strategies and asked to select the ones they use in the order of use, respondents chose an average of 4 strategies each. The most commonly selected strategies were pain medication (65%), rest/sleep (54%), consult a doctor (31%), physical therapy (31%), and nonpharmacologic action (eg, heat/cold application; 29%). Of those who use pain medication, 56% take some other action first. Only 36% of those who treat pain do so immediately; 56% first wait to see if it will resolve spontaneously. Top reasons for waiting include a desire to avoid medication (37%); willingness to tolerate less severe pain (33%); concerns about side effects (21%) or dependency (21%); and wanting to avoid a doctor's visit unless pain is severe or persistent (21%). Nearly half (42%) of those who take action to control pain have visited ≥1 healthcare professional (doctor 31%; pharmacist 18%; other 17%) about pain. Conclusions This large global survey shows that people employ a range of strategies to manage pain but still wish for better pain control. Although pain medication is the most commonly used strategy, many people postpone or avoid its use. Key messages More than three-quarters (76%) of respondents across countries seek better pain control. Pain medication and rest/sleep consultation are the most common pain management strategies. More than half of respondents (56%) wait to see if pain will resolve spontaneously before taking any action, and 56% of those who use pain medication try some other approach first.


Author(s):  
Zhuang She ◽  
Dan Li ◽  
Wei Zhang ◽  
Ningning Zhou ◽  
Juzhe Xi ◽  
...  

(1) Background: The COVID-19 outbreak has created pressure in people’s daily lives, further threatening public health. Thus, it is important to assess people’s perception of stress during COVID-19 for both research and practical purposes. The Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) is one of the most widely used instruments to measure perceived stress; however, previous validation studies focused on specific populations, possibly limiting the generalization of results. (2) Methods: This study tested the psychometric properties of three versions of the Chinese Perceived Stress Scale (CPSS-14, CPSS-10, and CPSS-4) in the Chinese general population during the COVID-19 pandemic. A commercial online survey was employed to construct a nationally representative sample of 1133 adults in Mainland China (548 males and 585 females) during a one-week period. (3) Results: The two-factor (positivity and negativity) solution for the three versions of the CPSS showed a good fit with the data. The CPSS-14 and CPSS-10 had very good reliability and the CPSS-4 showed acceptable reliability. Scores on all three versions of the CPSS were significantly correlated in the expected direction with health-related variables (e.g., depression, anxiety, and perceived COVID-19 risk), supporting the concurrent validity of the CPSS. (4) Conclusions: All three versions of the CPSS appear to be appropriate for use in research with samples of adults in the Chinese general population under the COVID-19 crisis. The CPSS-10 and CPSS-14 both have strong psychometric properties, but the CPSS-10 would have more utility because it is shorter than the CPSS-14. However, the CPSS-4 is an acceptable alternative when administration time is limited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alecia J. McGregor ◽  
Laura M. Bogart ◽  
Molly Higgins-Biddle ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Bisola Ojikutu

AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamima Yesmin ◽  
S.M. Zabed Ahmed

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate Library and Information Science (LIS) students’ understanding of infodemic and related terminologies and their ability to categorize COVID-19-related problematic information types using examples from social media platforms. Design/methodology/approach The participants of this study were LIS students from a public-funded university located at the south coast of Bangladesh. An online survey was conducted which, in addition to demographic and study information, asked students to identify the correct definition of infodemic and related terminologies and to categorize the COVID-related problematic social media posts based on their inherent problem characteristics. The correct answer for each definition and task question was assigned a score of “1”, whereas the wrong answer was coded as “0”. The percentages of correctness score for total and each category of definition and task-specific questions were computed. The independent sample t-test and ANOVA were run to examine the differences in total and category-specific scores between student groups. Findings The findings revealed that students’ knowledge concerning the definition of infodemic and related terminologies and the categorization of COVID-19-related problematic social media posts was poor. There was no significant difference in correctness scores between student groups in terms of gender, age and study levels. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first time an effort was made to understand LIS students’ recognition and classification of problematic information. The findings can assist LIS departments in revising and improving the existing information literacy curriculum for students.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1146-1166
Author(s):  
Trish McCulloch ◽  
Stephen Webb

Abstract This article reports on findings of a government-funded research project which set out to understand what the public think about social services in Scotland. The authors were particularly keen to examine issues of legitimacy, trust and licence to operate for social services as they are framed in public perceptions. Drawing on a national online survey of 2,505 nationally representative adults, the findings provide the first and largest empirical data set on public perceptions of social services in Scotland. Data analysis occurred in two stages and employed descriptive statistical measurement and cross-tabulation analysis. The findings indicate that, overall, people in Scotland are positive about social services and the value of their impact on society. Furthermore, they believe that social services perform a valuable public role. These findings are significant for debates surrounding social services and suggest that the Scottish public has a more positive view of social services than social service workers and welfare institutions typically perceive. The findings demonstrate the need to develop a more theoretically rich understanding of the relationships between public perception, legitimacy and social licence in social services, including attention to co-productive models of engagement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell ◽  
Bozena Welborne ◽  
Sarah Tobin

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Craig ◽  
Paulina Cossette ◽  
Michael Martinez

American politics today is driven largely by deep divisions between Democrats and Republicans. That said, there are many people who view the opposition in an overwhelmingly negative light – but who simultaneously possess a mix of positive and negative feelings toward their own party. This paper is a response to prior research (e.g., Lavine, Johnson, and Steenbergen 2012) indicating that such ambivalence increases the probability that voters will engage in "deliberative" (or "effortful") rather than "heuristic" thinking when responding to the choices presented to them in political campaigns. We extend the logic of this argument to a hypothetical race for Congress, using data from a survey experiment to determine whether a high degree of ambivalence toward one's party makes voters more responsive to a negative attack against the candidate of that party. In fact, we find little evidence that partisan ambivalence promotes a deliberative response to negative campaign ads.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document