How opposition parties sustain single-party dominance

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Ziegfeld ◽  
Maya Tudor
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Party Dominance ◽  
Crucial Part ◽  
Opposition Parties

When elections are free and fair, why do some political parties rule for prolonged periods of time? Most explanations for single-party dominance focus on the dominant party’s origins, resources, or strategies. In this article, we show how opposition parties can undermine or sustain single-party dominance. Specifically, opposition parties should be central in explaining single-party dominance in countries with highly disproportional electoral systems and a dominant party whose vote share falls short of a popular majority. Employing a quantitative analysis of Indian legislative elections as well as a paired case study, we show that opposition coordination plays a crucial part in undermining single-party dominance.

scholarly journals Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
Public Knowledge ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Party Institutionalization ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.

Economic governance: Does it make or break a dominant party equilibrium? The case of India

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-465
Author(s):  
Chanchal Kumar Sharma ◽  
Wilfried Swenden
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Stable Pattern ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Party Dominance

Why do voters re-elect the same party for prolonged periods of time even when there are reasonable alternatives available? When and why do they stop doing so? Based on a quantitative analysis of elections between 1972 and 2014, we test the significance of ‘economic governance’ for the continuance and fall of one-party dominance. With data from India we show that, under a command economy paradigm, a national incumbent party sustains its dominance by playing politics of patronage, but in a marketized economy, state governments gain considerable scope in managing their economic affairs. This enables different state parties to create a stable pattern of support in states. As state-level effects cease to aggregate at the national level, the party system fragments. However, such an aggregation can re-emerge if a single party consistently delivers in the states which it governs.

scholarly journals The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ondřej Kuba ◽  
Jan Stejskal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Input Data ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Statement ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Systems

In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.

scholarly journals Partai Politik dan Perilaku Pemilih Di Indonesia (Studi Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2009, 2014, dan 2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Danis Tri Saputra Wahidin ◽  
Ali Muhyidin ◽  
Iswahyuni Iswahyuni ◽  
Anwar Ilmar
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Voter Behavior ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Rational Voter ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This study discusses the voter behavior that influence the fluctuation of  political party voters changing in the 2009, 2014 and 2019 legislative elections. The undestanding of political parties with a rational voter behavior approach is carried out to detect the relationship of political parties performance to the people's choices in the Indonesia Legislative elections. However, the Indonesian voters behavior  cannot be caracterized absolutely rational, because the sociological and the psychological voter behavior also strongly influences Indonesian voters, and even influences one another. This case study found that the behavior of Indonesian voters is volatile. loyal voters in the 2014 general election are predicted to only amount 20%. In the 2019 elections, loyal party voters tended to be stable due to several factors, 1) The political bipolarization between supporters of the Jokowi-Maruf and Probowo-Sandi pair, 2) high public satisfaction with the performance of the Jokowi-JK government, 3) stable public trust in government and opposition parties and 4) holding legislative elections in conjunction with the presidential election. This condition can be seen from the motives of political party voters who choose because of several main factors, namely figures, ideology and political work programs.Penelitian ini mendiskusikan tentang perilaku pemilih yang mempengaruhi perubahan suara partai politik pada pemilu legislatif 2009, 2014, dan 2019. Pendalaman partai politik dengan pendekatan perilaku pemilih rasional dilakukan untuk mendeteksi hubungan kinerja partai politik terhadap perilaku pemilih pada pemilu Legislatif di Indonesia. Meski demikian, perilaku pemilih Indonesia tidak dapat dikatakan rasional secara mutlak, karena perilaku pemilih sosiologis dan psikologis juga masih kuat mempengaruhi pemilih Indonesia, bahkan saling mempengaruhi antara satu dengan yang lainnya . Studi kasus ini menemukan bahwa perilaku pemilih Indonesia bersifat fluktuatif. pemilih loyal di Indonesia pada pemilu 2014 diprediksi hanya berjumlah 20%. Pada pemilu 2019 pemilih loyal partai cenderung stabil karena didorong oleh beberapa faktor, yaitu 1) bipolarisasi politik antara pendukung pasangan Jokowi-Maruf dan Probowo-Sandi, 2) tingginya kepuasan masyarakat pada kinerja pemerintahan Jokowi-JK,  3) stabilnya kepercayaan publik pada partai pemerintah maupun partai oposisi dan 4) pelaksanaan pemilu legislatif  yang bersamaan dengan  pemilu presiden. Kondisi ini terlihat dari motif pemilih partai politik yang memilih karena beberapa faktor utama yaitu faktor figur, Ideologi dan program kerja.

Right to Form Political Parties

2020 ◽  
pp. 293-324
Author(s):  
Adam S. Chilton ◽  
Mila Versteeg
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Constitutional Protection ◽  
The Right ◽  
Constitutional Protections ◽  
Do So ◽  
Opposition Parties

This chapter analyzes the right to form political parties. It first describes the doctrinal aspects of this right, and how it is organizational in nature. It also theorizes the extent to which political parties are able to mobilize to protect their rights, and whether and how the constitution can help them do so. The chapter also draws attention to important differences between opposition parties and ruling parties. It then presents results from a global statistical analysis, which reveal that constitutional protections of the right to form political parties are systematically associated with higher levels of respect for party rights and levels of democratization. It attributes this finding to the actions by political parties, which use the constitution to protect their rights. It also presents findings from a case study in Myanmar, which demonstrates how the constitutional protection of political parties facilitated the emergence of dozens of new parties and how the new parties used the Myanmar Constitution to protect their interests.

Electoral Systems in Context

2017 ◽  
pp. 698-720
Author(s):  
Adam Ziegfeld
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Historically Disadvantaged

Throughout its history, India has employed first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral rules for nearly all of its legislative elections. Though India uses a relatively common set of electoral rules, three features of India’s FPTP electoral system stand out. First, India’s election constituencies exhibit persistent malapportionment, even after a recent redrawing of constituency boundaries. Second, India mandates representation for historically disadvantaged ethnic groups—and, more recently, women at the local level—by setting aside, or “reserving,” seats in which only members of certain groups may compete for office. Third, political parties often form pre-election alliances in which multiple parties agree not to field candidates against one another. As a result of frequent pre-election alliances, India’s party system exhibits a number of characteristics rarely found in countries using FPTP rules.

scholarly journals Mekanisme Rekrutmen Calon Legislatif Perempuan dalam Pemilihan Legislatif Tahun 2019 (Studi di DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Malang)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal ◽  
Ahmad Syaiful Kurniawan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Recruitment Pattern ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Party Members

<p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><em>Political parties play a role as a very strategic link between government processes and citizens. Each political party has a different recruitment pattern, where the recruitment pattern of party members is adjusted to the political system it adopts. In recruiting members and candidates for the 2019 legislative elections, DPC of the Malang Regency National Awakening Party provides equal opportunities for all citizens to compete in the selection process of candidates. The theory used is the recruitment of Pippa Norris who uses three indicators, namely: the certification stage, the nomination stage, and the general election stage. The type of approach used is qualitative using the case study method. The results of this study indicate that there are considerations taken by the National Awakening Party DPC to determine female members and candidates based on party regulations regarding the recruitment mechanism of members and candidates. Regarding this, the National Awakening Party DPC gave equal freedom to all citizens, both women and men, to become candidates. This is based on 3 indicators of the recruitment pattern of Pippa Norris, namely: first, the certification stage for candidates, the National Awakening Party DPC provides equal opportunities for everyone to run for party according to party regulations. Second, in the nomination stage, women candidates are given knowledge and skills by being obliged to enter the party underbow organization. Third, the election stage where women candidates are carried by parties to compete in legislative elections. Where women are only used as fulfillment of the 30% quota of women's representation in 2019 legislative elections</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords :</em></strong><em> Recruitment, women, political parties</em></p><p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p><em>Partai politik memainkan peran sebagai penghubung yang sangat strategis antara proses-proses pemerintahan dengan warga negara. Setiap partai politik memiliki pola rekrutmen yang berbeda, dimana pola perekrutan anggota partai disesuaikan dengan sistem politik yang dianutnya. Dalam melakukan perekrutan anggota dan Caleg untuk pemilihan legislatif tahun 2019, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Malang memberikan kesempatan yang sama kepada seluruh warga negara untuk ikut bersaing dalam proses penyeleksian Caleg. Teori yang digunakan adalah rekrutmen dari Pippa Norris yang memakai tiga indikator, yakni: tahap sertifikasi, tahap nominasi, dan tahap pemilihan umum. Jenis pendekatan yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan memakai metode studi kasus Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa adanya pertimbangan yang diambil oleh DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa untuk menetapkan anggota dan Caleg perempuan berdasarkan peraturan partai tentang mekanisme perekrutan anggota dan Caleg. Perihal ini DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa memberikan kebebasan yang sama kepada semua warga Negara baik perempuan maupun laki- laki untuk menjadi Caleg. Ini berdasarkan 3 indikator pola rekrutmen Pippa Norris yaitu: pertama, tahap sertifikasi terhadap Caleg, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa menyediakan kesempatan yang sama kepada semua orang untuk mencalonkan diri sesuai dengan peraturan partai. Kedua, tahap nominasi, caleg perempuan diberikan pengetahuan dan ketrampilan dengan berkewajiban masuk pada organisasi underbow partai. Ketiga, tahap pemilu dimana caleg perempuan diusung partai untuk bersaing pada pemilihan legsilatif. Dimana perempuan hanya dijadikan sebagai pemenuhan kuota 30% keterwakilan perempuan dalam pileg 2019.</em></p><strong><em>Kata kunci :</em></strong><em> Rekrutmen, perempuan, partai politik</em>

scholarly journals Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy?

Politics ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aris Trantidis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Party Dominance

Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy? The answer to this question affects the way we classify political systems in which, despite a formally open political structure, a dominant political group faces weak opposition from other political parties and civil society organizations – an indication of a low degree of government contestability. In Robert Dahl’s polyarchy, contestability is an essential dimension of democracy and, consequently, one-party dominance is classified as an ‘inclusive hegemony’ outside his conception of democracy. For procedural definitions of democracy, however, dominant party systems are legitimate outcomes of electoral competition provided that there have been no formal restrictions to the exercise of civil and political rights. The article examines the boundaries between democracy and authoritarianism, broadens the notion of authoritarian controls to include soft manipulative practices and explains why government contestability should be regarded as a constitutive property of democracy.

scholarly journals Strategi Komunikasi Politik Partai Baru (Studi Kasus Perolehan Suara Partai Solidaritas Indonesia di DPRD DKI Jakarta Pada Pemilu 2019)

Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Bella Adha Hendriana Moneter ◽  
Eko Harry Susanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
General Election ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Policy ◽  
General Elections

The 2019 legislative elections participated by many political parties in Indonesia, one of which was the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The more parties that participate in the General Election, the competition between each one of them become more strict in order to get a seat in parliament. Due to that reason, PSI did not pass on the DPR RI election level but somehow managed to get a 6.68% vote and get eight seats on the Jakarta DPRD election level. In this case, the purpose of this research is to study the political communication strategy of PSI Jakarta regarding the vote they got on Jakarta DPRD election level in 2019 General Election. This research is using the conceptualization of political policy, the conceptualization of political communication strategy, conceptualization of political policy, and conceptualization of political policy. political policy, and conceptualization of general elections as the theoretical basis. The research method in this research is a case study and the research approach in this research is descriptive-qualitative. The conclusion of this research shows that the political communication strategy used by PSI Jakarta to gain votes is by paying attention to the figures, stabilizing the institution, and creating togetherness. They also combined their politics communication strategy with the politics communication itself, in order to gain a lot more votes. Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2019 diikuti banyak partai politik di Indonesia salah satunya partai baru, Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI). Semakin banyak partai politik mengikuti Pemilu, semakin ketat kompetisi antar partai untuk mendapatkan kursi di parlemen. PSI tidak lolos memperebutkan kursi DPR RI, tetapi berhasil mendapatkan suara 6,68% atau delapan kursi di DPRD DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta atas perolehan suara di DPRD DKI Jakarta pada Pemilu 2019. Landasan teoritik yang digunakan adalah konseptualisasi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi strategi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi partai politik, dan konseptualisasi pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta untuk memperoleh suara yakni dengan merawat ketokohan, memantapkan kelembagaan, dan menciptakan kebersamaan. PSI Jakarta juga mengkombinasikan strategi komunikasi politik dengan unsur komunikasi politik.

Strategic Imperatives of Japan's SNTV Electoral System and the Cooperative Innovations of the Former Opposition Parties

1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAYMOND V. CHRISTENSEN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Optimal Number ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Collective Action Problems ◽  
The Common ◽  
Do So ◽  
Opposition Parties

Single nontransferable vote (SNTV) electoral systems create severe collective-action problems for political parties. If multimember districts are used, large political parties must run the optimal number of candidates in each district and divide the vote equally between those candidates. Failure to do so will cost a party seats. In Japan, the former parties of the non-Communist opposition cooperated in all national elections from 1971 to 1990. In their efforts to cooperate, these parties as a group faced collective-action problems. To compensate for these problems, these parties modified their methods of cooperation. The widespread nature of these innovations in cooperation rebuts the common assertions that the Japanese opposition acted irrationally or incompetently.

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