The Swedes and the alcohol monopoly. A historical perspective

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-153
Author(s):  
Lennart Johansson

Today the alcohol monopolies in the Nordic countries (Sweden, Finland, Norway) are under strong attack by the European Union. In order to analyze and understand this process of change it is important to look back on the origin of the alcohol restriction systems and monopolies from an historical perspective. This article deals with the making of the Swedish restriction and monopoly system in the early 20th century. The period from January 1914 to August 1920 was characterized by a bitter conflict in political interests over the prohibition issue. More and more organizations entered the struggle about alcohol, while simultaneously the question was increasingly interwoven with the more general change in society and the struggle for democracy and universal suffrage. The political discussion of the time about the question of a general prohibition on alcohol illustrates in a clear, concrete way how the historical development of the political culture influenced the conduct of the political actors. The struggle between the prohibition movement and in particular the interest organizations of the employers and employees in the alcohol industry was a struggle between powerful special interests. The question comes down to how intense conflicts between strong intersts can be resolved in the Swedish political system. We must ascribe decisive significance to the fact that the political actors were influenced by the political culture in which they operated. If we look at the prohibition issue in its societal context, then, the result, according to my overall view, is that the Swedish culture of political consensus - with an emphasis on the employment aspect - had no room for such a radical and controversial solution as prohibition. In a political culture characterized by compromises, political consensus, a holistic view of society, and with the influence of strong, well-organized special interests in the corporative administrative system, the complicated and politically unique Bratt restriction-system was the Swedish solution to the problem of prohibition. It was not politically possible to impose prohibition, which would lead in particular to large-scale unemployment, nor was it politically possible to pursue a liberal alcohol policy dominated by private profit motives. The compromise between the special interests left room for the restriction system, and the employment question must be seen as having been decisive for the attitude towards the prohibition issue and the holistic view of society. It is obvious that the temperance question, like many other social issues, was seen as a state interest in the years around the turn of the century. There has been general talk of the active state, which in the era of organized capitalism increasingly changed character by not being confined solely to the public sphere but also intervening in the private sphere. The temperance question is a distinct example of the increased ambitions of the government in the field of social policy. It is obvious that a restrictive and fiscal alcohol policy requires an intervening state with strong popular support. Therefore it is likely that there is no possibility of maintaining monopolies and restriction systems in the new political culture - with politically weaker nation-states - which is on the way to being created in an integrated Europe. This historical reflection indicates great changes in connection with diminishing influence of the nation-state over alcohol policy in the political arena.

1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Libbey

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC STATES HAVE USUALLY COME into existence as the manifestation of a principle of political philosophy or as the result of a compromise among forces with different aspirations for the polity. Often both factors have been involved. Certainly the consequences for political behaviour of introducing any particular structure have been of concern to its architects, but many of these consequences are unforeseeable and the actual impact of an institutional change or the character of a formal role may in time become quite different from that intended.For a political actor, such as an individual, an interest group or a party, formal structures are given attributes of the political environment. Along with the more diffuse qualities of the political culture, they constitute the framework within which political actors must compete for influence over public policy. This framework, both formal and informal, is uneven in its effects on the fortunes of the various political forces. It favours some approaches and some groups more and in different ways than it favours others. The British Labour Party, with its concentrated voting strength, is disadvantaged by the single-member district/plurality electoral system, while its counterpart in Germany is able to maximize its strength in a system of proportional representation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
Kwaku B. ◽  
Isaac B.

Generally, it is often said that change is the only constant thing in the world. In other words, as time changes, people’s ways of doing things equally changes. This paper seeks to compare the political culture of first century Palestine (in which Jesus lived and ministered) to the political culture of contemporary Ghana. To this end, the study compares and contrasts the reign of Herod in the first century Jerusalem with Political actors in Ghana’s Fourth Republic. It is a literature-based research that draws from both primary and secondary sources. The study found that, there is not much difference between the politics of today and that of Jesus’ day. It, therefore, makes Solomon`s statement there is nothing new under the sun still relevant today.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 121-127
Author(s):  
O. L. Tupitzya ◽  
K. K. Khabarieva

The article examines innovative approaches to the use of interdisciplinary scientific research for solving the problems of contemporary political science. Attention has been given to the subject area of political consensus, in which the normative principles of the political institutes functioning acquire new meaning. The importance of political-institutional requirements for consensus-building for the legitimation of transitive political regimes is considered. The effectiveness of political consensus in the context of large-scale political crises is clarified. The importance of the stages of achieving political consensus for the new democracies, including the modern Ukraine, is determined. The purpose of the article is to establish the peculiarities of the interpretation of political consensus as a factor in the sustainable democratic development of society. The content of the theoretical and methodological foundations for the development of political and institutional support of political consensus is elucidated. The content of political consensus and its subject, activity of subjects and objects of political consensus, which interact with each other, is established. The level of the general political and legal culture of consensus relations, which is formed in each transformational society, is also characterized. The features of the political-institutional balance of political compromise and political consensus are revealed. Evaluated the importance of political consensus implies the state of universal consent of political actors within the framework of the adoption of macro-political decision. The attention was paid to promoting a political compromise in transformational societies in modern political science. The factors of political and institutional support of political consensus are analyzed, which determine the necessity of making joint decisions by separate branches of power and interim authorities. The processes were studied when the collegial consensus decision-making was established, which determined the joint political responsibility of political actors and the entire population of the country or another country that enjoyed political and legal sovereignty.The attention paid to the constitutional forms of political and institutional provision of political consensus determines the need for joint decisions by separate branches of power and interim authorities.It has been established that, unlike other political and legal acts regulating the functioning of statehood within individual countries and regions of the world, acts that are part of political and institutional support of political consensus should regulate the number of subjects of consensus and its results.It is determined that, in general, the political and institutional provision of political consensus in developed democracies forms a basic model of consensual democracy in which minority rights are provided with a high level of consultation and fulfillment of interests.It was clarified that normative-legal acts belong to the sphere of political-institutional support of political consensus not through the content, which contains specific means of regulation concerning the stage of formation of political consensus.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Muaz Agushi

Political culture is a set of attitudes and practices of people that shape their political behaviour. It includes moral judgments, political myths, beliefs, and ideas about what makes a good society while language of politics is the way of using language and words in the political arena. Words are the “currency” of power in elections. Voter turnout is an indicator of the level of interest and civic participation in political decision making, competitive party offerings, and civic trust in political actors. Extensive participation, when it comes to a competitive system, significantly increases the responsibility of political actors for civic demands and concerns. The aim of the article is to analyze the political culture and electoral behaviour in North Macedonia and Albania. The author makes conclusion based on the analysis presented in the article, that the process of applying democracy in these countries would face extraordinary challenges, caused by the lack of democratic traditions, as well as by established values and attitudes unfavorable for the democracy development. Important aspects of the political culture includes mutual respect, contra voting, the constant and productive political dialogue, political and parliamentary collaboration, stable institutions instead of strong leaders, high level of participation in elections, and expanding the political decision-making area. All of these aspects are considered to be a fragile occurrence in all countries of Southeastern Europe and especially in Albania and North Macedonia.


2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-719 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA SOLEDAD CATOGGIO

AbstractThis article addresses the various mechanisms by which the religious figure of the Christian martyr became a useful notion in Argentine political discourse. It argues that the process by which the idea of the ‘martyr’ was secularised and politicised was actually initiated by religious agents themselves. The analysis considers how commemoration initiatives devised by religious agents, social movements and political actors have brought ‘Catholic martyrs’ into the pantheon of national symbols. It also deals with the various semantic shifts seen in the public discourses of religious agents themselves, shifts that extend the boundaries of an eminently religious category by associating it with other figures in a more specifically political imaginary, such as that of the hero and the victim. The article shows how the political power of the religious figure of the martyr lay in the way various actors could use it to invoke the image of a legitimate and heroic victim of political violence. It thus allowed those actors to sidestep the vexed public question of whether those being commemorated had had any involvement in armed struggle.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Egi Saputra ◽  
Eko Sanovyanto ◽  
Lisantri Lisantri ◽  
Alimas Jonsa

This study titled about the political culture of the coffee shop in the coastal areas Teuku Umar before the election in 2019,As for the formulation in the research is how is the political culture of coastal area coffee shops in Teuku Umar Areas Meulaboh West Aceh, and What are the indicators that support politics in the coastal coffee shops that become a political culture in coffee shops.The methodology used in this research is qualitative research methodology, with a descriptive and phenomenological approach, so that in this study the researchers found that coffee shops in the city of Meulaboh had become a political forum utilized by political actors to gain votes in the 2019 general election. This is supported by the coffee shop as a gathering place for the whole community and as a place to discuss and exchange information. Keyword: Culture, Political, and Coffee Shop


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-148
Author(s):  
José Antonio López Anguita

The accession of the House of Bourbon to the Spanish throne after the death of the last Habsburg king, Carlos II, in 1700 brought important changes for the court high nobility. Historians have seen Philip V’s reign as the beginning of the titled nobility’s withdrawal from the front line of politics. The process, encouraged by the Bourbon’s reformism during the War of the Spanish Succession, was carried out by the nobility in several ways. This article will analyze the careers of aristocrats such as Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal and José Solís y Valderrábano, dukes of Veragua and Montellano, and Rodrigo Fernández Manrique de Lara, Count of Frigiliana, who adapted their actions to the new regime’s politics in order to enjoy the patronage of new political actors. They took part in royal court circles to achieve important political positions without renouncing their right to oppose change through strategies linked to the political culture of the previous dynasty: for example, their involvement in political gatherings and their absence in important court celebrations. My article posits that, although the relations between the House of Bourbon and these nobles were undoubtedly complex and ambivalent, as their career at court shows, they were far more nuanced and fluid than has previously been revealed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamaruddin Salim

<p><em>Political Participation and the Dynamics of Democracy in the City of Tidore Islands provide an interesting picture in political studies in Indonesia. In political contestation along with the passing of Direct Local Election, the people of Tidore Islands have been educated in political participation and democracy. Increased level of community political participation in the 2019 Concurrent Election. Strengthening of community patrenalistic politics with the weakening role of political parties in educating the political community. The political culture of openness with the role of political actors emerged as a civil society group that was able to influence bureaucratic policies or be involved in determining who deserved to sit in the government or in the legislature. Political dynamics characterized by the circulation of new elites in the socio-political space illustrates the future of democracy by conducting analytical descriptive research in order to understand the process of political participation and democratization which is the most important learning for people in politics.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>:Democracy, Concurrent Election, Political Culture, and Elite Circulation</em><em></em></p><p><strong> </strong></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


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