Immigration Attitudes and White Americans’ Responsiveness to Rising Income Inequality

2020 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2097210
Author(s):  
David Macdonald

Despite decades of rising inequality, there has been little observed increase in American public support for redistribution. This is puzzling because majorities of Americans profess to be aware of and opposed to high inequality. I argue that this lack of responsiveness is not due to public ignorance of, nor apathy toward, inequality but rather, in part, to negative feelings toward immigrants, a growing, politically salient, and negatively stereotyped “out-group” that is widely viewed as a target of redistributive spending. To test this, I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the 1992 to 2016 Cumulative ANES. I find that growing inequality can prompt support for redistribution but that this depends, in part, on peoples’ immigration attitudes. Overall, these results suggest that immigration has important implications for economic redistribution in an era of high, and rising inequality.

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Macdonald

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.


2019 ◽  
pp. 089443931987299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy L. Haithcoat ◽  
Eileen E. Avery ◽  
Kelly A. Bowers ◽  
Richard D. Hammer ◽  
Chi-Ren Shyu

Merging geospatial analytics with big data approaches provides a mechanism for leveraging and maximizing uses of traditional survey data to further extant work in meaningful ways. This study examines the income inequality hypothesis, which proposes that ecological (summary-level) income inequality is harmful for population health. However, findings from extant work are inconsistent across health outcomes and levels of geography. We contribute to this debate by applying a big data geospatial approach to create three innovative measures that capture uniformity in income inequality across counties within U.S. states. Using data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System and American Community Survey, we evaluate multilevel models of individuals within states to examine the ways that income inequality, operationalized as the Gini coefficient, and three spatial uniformity measures that capture the way income inequality is dispersed across space within states, are associated with several health outcomes. Specifically, the uniformity measures capture the extent to which (1) inequality is uniformly distributed spatially in states regardless of whether the level is high or low, (2) the extent to which states are more uniformly high in inequality across space, and (3) the extent to which they are more uniformly low in inequality. We conclude that state income inequality did not predict worse health across these outcomes (and indeed was associated with lower odds of depression and obesity). However, residents of states that have more uniformly high inequality across space are more likely to report below-average health, cardiovascular disease, difficulty concentrating, and that they have not sought care because it was too expensive. We conclude with a discussion of how a big data geospatial approach can further contribute to research on this and other public health topics where scholars primarily rely on traditional survey data.


Author(s):  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Michael J. Nelson

We have investigated the differences in support for the U.S. Supreme Court among black, Hispanic, and white Americans, catalogued the variation in African Americans’ group attachments and experiences with legal authorities, and examined how those latter two factors shape individuals’ support for the U.S. Supreme Court, that Court’s decisions, and for their local legal system. We take this opportunity to weave our findings together, taking stock of what we have learned from our analyses and what seem like fruitful paths for future research. In the process, we revisit Positivity Theory. We present a modified version of the theory that we hope will guide future inquiry on public support for courts, both in the United States and abroad.


AERA Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 233285842199072
Author(s):  
Jack Schneider ◽  
James Noonan ◽  
Rachel S. White ◽  
Douglas Gagnon ◽  
Ashley Carey

For the past two decades, student perception surveys have become standard tools in data collection efforts. At the state level, however, “student voice” is still used sparingly. In this study, we examine the ways in which including student survey results might alter state accountability determinations. Reconstructing the accountability system in Massachusetts, we draw on a unique set of student survey data, which we add to the state’s formula at a maximally feasible dosage in order to determine new school ratings. As we find, student survey data shift school accountability ratings in small but meaningful ways and appear to enhance functional validity. Student survey results introduce information about school quality that is not captured by typical accountability metrics, correlate moderately with test score growth, and are not predicted by student demographic variables.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 261-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Andersen ◽  
Anthony Heath ◽  
David Weakliem

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between public support for wage differentials and actual income inequality using data from the World Values Surveys. The distribution of income is more equal in nations where public opinion is more egalitarian. There is some evidence that the opinions of people with higher incomes are more influential than those of people with low incomes. Although the estimated relationship is stronger in democracies, it is present even under non-democratic governments, and the hypothesis that effects are equal cannot be rejected. We consider the possibility of reciprocal causation by means of an instrumental variables analysis, which yields no evidence that income distribution affects opinion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 215336872110389
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Baranauskas

In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. A36-A44
Author(s):  
Aaron Saiewitz

SUMMARY Recent research suggests that an auditor's choice to conduct audit inquiry via email versus in person can adversely impact both auditor and client behavior. In this study, I review recent research on this important topic, and I present additional survey-based evidence that describes how clients perceive auditor email versus in-person inquiries. I find that clients generally view auditors' in-person requests as more important and urgent than email requests, and clients feel they can more carefully craft their responses to support their company's preferred reporting position via email compared to in person. Further, clients expect that auditors will question an aggressive response more quickly in person than over email. Although audit partners have expressed concerns that email communication could impede auditor-client relationship building, I find no differences in how much clients like the auditor or in clients' willingness to work again with the auditor after receiving an email or in-person request. However, recent research suggests that email requests can lead to more negative feelings toward the auditor, which could affect the auditor-client relationship over time. I discuss implications for audit firms and provide suggestions for future research.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nate Breznau ◽  
Carola Hommerich

Does public opinion react to inequality, and if so, how? The social harms caused by increasing inequality should cause public opinion to ramp up demand for social welfare protections. However, the public may react to inequality differently depending on institutional context. Using ISSP and WID data (1980-2006) we tested these claims. In liberal institutional contexts (mostly English-speaking), increasing income inequality predicted higher support for state provision of social welfare. In coordinated and universalist contexts (mostly of Europe), increasing inequality predicted less support. Historically higher income concentration predicted less public support, providing an account of the large variation in inequality within the respective liberal and coordinated contexts. The results suggest opinions in liberal societies – especially with higher historical inequality – reached the limits of inequality, reacting negatively; whereas in coordinated/universalist societies – especially with lower historical inequality – opinions moved positively, as if desiring more inequality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikel Norris

AbstractExternal political efficacy, the belief that government is responsive to the demands of its citizens, has been declining in the United States since the 1960s. However, scholars do not yet fully understand the reasons for its decline. Nor have they found suitable explanations for why it fluctuates within the electorate. Drawing on the growing literature on the effects of income inequality on public policy, I posit that increasing income inequality factors into the decline of external political efficacy. Using multilevel regression models accounting for individual and contextual factors, I find increasing state-level income inequality has a substantial negative effect on external political efficacy. It is greater than most state and national-level economic measures or individual-level variables on external political efficacy. These results have important implications both for research on income inequality and political participation and also for research on income inequality and distributional public policy.


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