‘A pilgrimage of camels’: Dairy capitalism, nomadic pastoralism, and subnational Hindutva statism in Rajasthan

2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862110620
Author(s):  
Yamini Narayanan

Hindu nationalists and NGOs proffer camel dairying as an employment strategy for Rajasthan's nomadic pastoralists, akin to the commodification of bovine milk for poverty alleviation in India. Commercial dairying however is inconsistent with pastoralist ethics though it is consistent with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's broader agenda to consolidate Hindutva at the national and subnational levels in India, and with developmentalism that regards animals as capital. In an original contribution bringing together pastoralist studies and critical animal geographies, this paper introduces species to the ‘conjugated oppressions’ in agrarian economies, currently composing caste, tribes, and class, through the suturing of (dairy) capitalism and right-wing ultranationalism. Focussing the camels and the Raika herders in the subregions of Jaisalmer, and Sirohi, home to India's only camel sanctuary, the paper delineates how the camel is entrapped in the coalescing and conflicts of dairy-based development and Hindutva nationalism. Interconnected oppressions upon the camels and herders are conceptualised and enacted through the control and appropriation of rangelands, understood as yatra or pilgrimage by the pastoralists. However, the camel is also enmeshed in the older violent histories of domestication, raising difficult questions about how nomadic and camel sovereignties may be imagined, together. Arguing that dairy capitalism will discipline the nomads and camels while strengthening Hindutva in Rajasthan, the paper draws on pastoralist worldviews as a starting point to re-imagine human–animal relations, based on an ethic of de-commodification.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Anna

Taking the murder of Greek HIV+ and queer activist Zak Kostopoulos as its starting point – an exercise of necropolitical power in broad daylight – this article explores the work of drag queens in Greece and their aesthetic/political choices. It interprets their performances as tactics of survival and resistance and as creative responses to queer trauma. The role of queerfeminist spaces, cultural events and collectives also is examined as a response to the increasing right-wing turn in the country’s political scene – itself the result of the financial crisis of 2008. It imports José Esteban Muñoz’s disidentifications and counterpublics, Elizabeth Freeman’s erotohistoriography and Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics into the Greek/Balkan context and analyses the particular configurations and intersections of sexualities, genders, statehood, race, class and religion in Greece. It then examines disidentifications and counterpublics as empowering practices of community forming, offering glimpses of a queer Balkan counterpublics and the tools employed towards its making (humour, parody, reclaiming, disidentification, mourning and embodied pleasures).


Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (79) ◽  
pp. 37-50
Author(s):  
Au Loong-Yu

This essay discusses why the Hong Kong 2019 revolt means so much for future democratic movements despite its tragic defeat and its weaknesses. This was a massive democratic movement, with entirely legitimate demands: the dropping of an extradition bill which could legalise Beijing's attempts to prosecute Hong Kong citizens under the Mainland legal system; and the honouring of its commitment of granting universal suffrage to the Hong Kong people. This massive movement naturally brought with it multiple tendencies and contradictions. Taking advantage of the absence of a left labour movement, and a young generation who were newcomers to politics, right-wing and anti-Chinese voices became more vocal than their organisational strength might have indicated - though not strong enough to alter the fundamental character of this revolt as a democratic movement. In the last analysis, however, the balance of forces means that Hong Kong has little chance of preserving its liberty unless the Mainland situation begins to change. Success will ultimately depend on a united front between democratic forces in the Mainland and Hong Kong, an issue which the 2019 r evolt has not thought sufficiently about. However, the 2019 revolt, which helped to consolidate democratic consciousness among millions in Hong Kong, itself constitutes a new starting point for the future of democratic struggle, both in the Mainland and in Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203
Author(s):  
Stephan Feldhaus

Abstract In 2012 Georg Diez provoked a literary scandal with his review of Christian Kracht’s novel Imperium. Since then, almost ninety informed studies which show an ongoing academic interest in the book have been published. Many of these studies attempted to explain the apparently failing analogy between Hitler and Engelhardt that the novel claimed in an irritating manner. Nevertheless, none of them took an esoteric approach which Kracht himself suggested in an interview with Denis Scheck as a starting point for their analyses, although esoteric references seem to be an ignored constant in Kracht’s oeuvre since Tristesse Royale. Hence, by tracing this esoteric intertextuality in the whole of Kracht’s oeuvre and linking it to the references which Kracht makes to right-wing ideologies since Faserland, it will be shown that there actually does exist an analogy between Hitler and Engelhardt in Imperium which aims to deconstruct Hitler mythemes by ridiculizing Engelhardt. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated that the interrelations between Kracht’s texts create a rhizomatic network of intertextuality that dissolves the boarders between external references and self-references.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019145372091045
Author(s):  
Victor Kempf

This article explores the possibility of a notion of left-wing populism that is conceptually opposed to the identitarian logic of embodiment that characterises right-populist interpellations of ‘the people’. In the first part, I will demonstrate, that in Laclau’s constructivist approach, any populist embodiment of the people actually has a partial, subaltern and performative origin. On this basis, it becomes possible to distinguish between a radical-democratic version of the people that is self-reflexively aware of this origin and a regressive and reified one that ideologically betrays and negates its own subaltern tradition of democratic struggle by proclaiming to embody a positive, pre-established substance of ‘rooted’, ‘well-born’ community. In the second part of the article, I will focus on this self-negation as a starting point for an immanent critique of right-wing populism. Such an immanent critique is promising, because it could overcome the shortcomings of decisionism and moralism that limit the contemporary critique of right-wing populism. However, it remains still an open question how to defend and define a negativist truth of political community and subjectivation that is necessary for developing such a left-Hegelian critique of regressive and reified notions of ‘the people’.


Organization ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 636-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Bristow ◽  
Sarah Robinson

Brexit could be seen as the largest popular rebellion against the power elites in the UK modern history. It is also part of a larger phenomenon – the resurgence of nationalism and right-wing politics within Europe, the United States and beyond. Bringing in its wake the worrying manifestations of racism, xenophobia and anti-intellectualism, Brexit and its consequences should be a core concern for Critical Management Studies academics in helping to shape post-Brexit societies, organizations and workplaces, and in fighting and challenging the sinister forces that permeate them. In this article, we consider how CMS can rise to the challenges and possibilities of this ‘phenomenon-in-the-making’. We reflect on the intellectual tools available to CMS researchers and the ways in which they may be suited to this task. In particular, we explore how the key positions of anti-performativity, critical performativity, political performativity and public CMS can be used as a starting point for thinking about the potential relevance of CMS in Brexit and post-Brexit contexts. Our intention is to encourage CMS-ers to contribute positively to the post-Brexit world in academic as well as personal capacities. For this, we argue that a new public CMS is needed, which would (1) be guided by the premise that we have no greater and no lesser right than anyone else to shape the world, (2) entail as much critical reflexivity in relation to our unintended performativities as our intended ones and (3) be underpinned by marginalism as a critical political project.


2002 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-251
Author(s):  
Kim Arne Pedersen

Grundtvig på anklagebænken[Grundtvig in the dock]By Kim Arne PedersenThe article opens with a review of Gr’s position after the second World War. The Heretica-era’s positive disposition towards religion and Christianity is inspired by the life-philosophy of Vilhelm Grønbech which in turn serves as a preliminary understanding of Gr’s thinking on the relationship between Christianity and folkelighed, the nourishing of a popular culture. Four significant currents have characterised Danish identity: Grundtvigianism, pietism, Brandes-influenced cultural radicalism and the social-democratic movement. Social-democratic thinking on social equality is examined in connection with the Grundtvigian-tendency’s elevation of the concept of folkelighed.With Reinhart Kosellek’s concept-historical methodology as aprompt, the Grundtvig-based concept offolkelighed is analysed in its association with the concept of liberty, ideas of social equilibrium, the question of a Constitution, and the concept of popular enlightenment (oplysning) in Gr’s authorship. The starting-point is an analysis of Gr’s ideas on Christianity andfolkelighed where it is pointed out that Gr, with his background in a Christian anthropology, emphasises their reciprocal bearing upon each other (vekselvirkning). The chief aim of the article is to demonstrate that the reception of Gr in the period 1883-1983 is characterised by a contest between, on the one hand, a philosophical interpretation of Gr which is linked with an understanding of the folkelighed-concept as an aspiration towards social equality and, on the other hand, a theological interpretation of Gr which concentrates upon humankind’s interaction with God in dialogue as the nub of Gr’s outlook on humankind.The article focuses upon the 1930s, when the social-democratic Education Minister Frederik Borgbjerg seizes upon the egalitarian aspect of Gr’s concept of folkelighed and uses it in the development of Social-Democracy into a national party. Borgberg’s interpretation of Gr embraces those components which characterise the following generation’s image of Gr: he is the supporter of liberty (and thereby tolerance), democracy and social equality, all as understood from their basis in the concept of folkelighed.Borgberg’s and Grønbech’s interpretations of Gr constitute the background to the understanding formed by Professor Hal Koch, church-historian and pillar of the folk-highschool system, of both Gr and the concept offolkelighed. But it is to be emphasised that Koch, in contrast to Borgberg and Grønbech, but in line with the author Jørgen Bukdahl, draws his understanding of the concept offolkelighed from the idea that the interaction between folkelighed and Christianity - that is, between the particular and the universal - is the underpinning perception in Gr’s writings.However, in the post-war period it is the thoughts of Pastor Kaj Thaning concerning the differentiation between Christianity and folkelighed which become dominant. Like Hal Koch, Thaning writes out of inspiration from the life-philosophy of Grønbech, but also like Koch he traces this back to its anchorage within Gr’s Christian universe.Thaning’s differentiation-thesis forms - against his own wishes – a starting-point for the 1970s convergence between the ideas of Gr and left-wing thinking on political emancipation, whereby the tendency from the 1930s now reaches its culmination: grounded in the construction of an adversarial relationship between Gr and grundtvigianism, and in a non-theological interpretation of Gr, the way is clear for Gr to become the leading figure in Danish national self-perception.In 1990 the literary historian and publicist Henning Fonsmark initiated the surge of criticism of Gr which from about 1992 has permeated the Danish public. With its starting-point in the debate over Denmark’s relationship to the European Union and over immigration into Denmark, one may observe a steadily more violent criticism of Gr among intellectuals who have a more or less loose connection to traditional cultural-radical milieus. At the same time the Danish immigration-opposed right wing, identifies itself with Gr - as in the case of the theological ‘Tidehverv’-movement, The Danish Association (Den Danske Forening) and The Danish National Party (Dansk Folkeparti). In contrast to the understanding of Gr hitherto prevailing, Gr is now widely interpreted as hostile to foreigners, intolerant, and the opponent of democracy and social equality.The viewpoint of the article is that both the right-wing use of Gr and the criticism of him are made possible only by an underestimation of his Christian premisses. When Gr’s Christian anthropology - and thereby the fellowship of dialogue between God and humankind - are appreciated as being the very core of his writings, then it becomes possible to maintain an image of Gr as the supporter of liberty, of social equality and of an enlightenment of and for life, which on the one hand appears as a consequence of modernity’s breakthrough in Western Europe and on the other takes its distinctive form from Gr’s understanding of Christianity as the bearer of that universality in whose light the particularity offolkelighed is to be understood. And it is this relationship which renders problematical a nationalistic reading of Gr’s authorship.


Author(s):  
Cornelia Sindermann ◽  
Christian Montag

AbstractUnderstanding the psychological basis of individuals' voting intentions is of tremendous importance because voting for specific parties and politicians can influence political developments. In the present study associations of individuals’ satisfaction of each of Maslow’s five basic need categories with voting intentions were investigated in a German sample and these results were compared to results on associations between personality and voting intentions. An online survey was completed by N = 2593 (n = 1035 men) individuals. Participants provided information on socio-demographic characteristics, filled in the Need Satisfaction Inventory, the Big Five Inventory, and stated which of the major German parties they would vote for if general elections were held the following Sunday. Data were analyzed using the statistical software R and RStudio. Among others, it was found that higher satisfaction of physiological needs and higher satisfaction of safety and security needs were associated with intentions to vote for the currently governing party alliance, the CDU/CSU, versus for the right-wing AfD. Regarding personality, among others Openness was positively associated with intentions to vote for nearly every party (except the CDU/CSU) versus for the AfD. Effect sizes of associations were overall rather small; generally speaking, those related to the Need Satisfaction Inventory were even slightly smaller than those found for personality traits. The present results indicate that other factors aside from needs and personality must be considered to understand voting. Therefore, this study sets a starting point for further investigations to replicate and expand the present findings.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 063
Author(s):  
Lily Rahmawati Harahap

As known, Indonesia is a nation with the largerst Moslem society in the world. According to data issued by Bappenas, in 2020 the population of Indonesia is predicted about 271,066,400 people (Bappenas: 2018). 85 percent of this population (ca. 230.406.440 people) are Moslems. It shows the huge potential in the acceptance of zakat fund, as an obligation for a Moslem who has qualified in accordance with the provisions of Islam.            Since MDGs declared in 2000 (UNRC: 2008) which contains a commitment to accelerate human development and poverty alleviation (8 goals),  Indonesia has a strong commitment to achieve the MDGs targets became one of Indonesia’s main priorities. As a continuation of the MDGs program, in 2015, more than 190 world leaders committed to 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In Indonesia, 17 SDGs are grouped into 4 part, one of them is poverty alleviation (UNDP Indonesia: 2018). One of the goals for poverty alleviation is explained with the goal number 8, that is decent work and economic growth. And one of the drivers the existence of decent work and economic growth is the growth of entrepreneurship activities.The growth of entrepreneurship can be implemented with the support of funds. One of them come from the distribution of zakat fund acceptance.            By terminology, zakat means a certain amount of property that is required by Allah SWT to be given to the mustahik mentioned in the Qur’an. Or it could also mean a certain amount of certain property given to a particular person (Solihin: 2010). There is a fund transfer from muzaki (zakat payer) to mustahik (zakat recipient).With the transfer of funds, there is an expectation that there will be a better life change for mustahik, so that in time they will be becomes muzaki.This activity is expected to occur continously, forming a circle of increasing goodness. And ultimately will improve society wellbeing.            To support this paper, the author use a qualitative methods with secondary datas and supported by Tawhidi String Relation (TSR) theory which includes the method of circular causation and IIE (interaction, integration and evolution) method. Keywords : zakat, entrepreneurship, poverty alleviation, SDGs, TSR 


2020 ◽  
pp. 442-459
Author(s):  
Juha Herkman ◽  
Janne Matikainen

The article analyses a political scandal that occurred in Finland in 2015, when an MP of the populist right-wing Finns Party, Olli Immonen, published a Facebook update in which he used the same kind of militant–nationalist rhetoric against multiculturalism that Norwegian mass-murderer Anders Behring Breivik had used a couple of years earlier. By analyzing the content published in both social and news media, the role of social media and the relationship between news reporting and social media are explored by analyzing the progress of the scandal. The analysis indicates the prominent role of social media as being a starting point for scandal and for keeping scandal in the public eye, serving as forums for supporters and opponents of the scandalized politician. The relationship between social and news media seems symbiotic in this case because both of them fed and inspired each other during the scandal. However, further research is needed to fully understand the role of social media in scandals linked to north and west European populist right-wing parties, as well as political scandals occurring in different political contexts and media environments.


Author(s):  
Pieter d’Hoine

Abstract Taking the recent publication of Sebastian Gertz’ translation of three late Platonic Introductions by Elias, David and Olympiodorus as a starting point, this review paper provides an assessment of Gertz’ translation and textual choices. In addition, it also provides an original contribution to the study of these texts by proposing an emendation of David’s text, and by discussing some of the source-texts of the three Introductions and of their parallels in the ancient commentary tradition. One case elaborated on in somewhat greater detail concerns Olympiodorus’ arguments against scepticism.


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