scholarly journals Breakthrough seizure associated with kratom use in patients with epilepsy

2020 ◽  
pp. 10.1212/CPJ.0000000000000846
Author(s):  
Devin J. Burke ◽  
Sarah G. Mahonski ◽  
Anne C. Van Cott

Purposeof review: Kratom (mitragynine) is a commercially available herbal supplement that is gaining popularity in the United States (U.S.). Kratom is associated with a variety of neurological effects. This review will discuss kratoms association with seizure through three cases and highlight what neurologists should know about kratom's clinical effects and legal status.Recent findings:Kratom is currently commercially available, unscheduled by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), and a topic of regulatory debate in the US. Large poison center reviews have suggested that kratom use is associated with seizure. There have been limited case studies to corroborate this finding. We present three cases in which seizures were associated with kratom use in patients treated for epilepsy.Summary:Since 2008, kratom use is rising in prevalence in the U.S. aided by lack of regulation. Neurologists need to be aware of its association with seizure and other neurologic side effects.

Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Karen Bernadette Mclean Dade

Many problems exist for United States (U.S.) descendants of Cabo Verde (In 2015, the government of Cabo Verde asked in the United Nations that the official name be Cabo Verde in all documents, opposed to the colonial version, “Cape Verde”) Islands seeking dual citizenship. Much of this is due to multiple 20th century racial discriminatory practices by the U.S. in soliciting cheap labor from Cabo Verde Islands, including changing the birth names of Cabo Verdean immigrants when they entered the United States. Without knowing the true birth names of their ancestors, descendants such as myself have no access to proof of birth in the dual citizenship process. Years often pass by as Cabo Verdean Americans search for clues that may lead to proving their legal status through family stories, and track related names as well as birth and death records. For many, dual citizenship may never be granted from the Cabo Verdean government, despite having U.S. death certificates that state that the family member was born in Cabo Verde. This autobiographical case study explores why so many Cabo Verdean Americans seek dual citizenship with a strong desire to connect to their motherland. Moreover, issues related to language, class and colorism discrimination between Cabo Verdean-born immigrants and descendants in the U.S. are explored. In so doing, the researcher hopes to ameliorate the divisions between the current government policies and Cabo Verdean American descendants, as well as build greater intracultural connections between those born in the Cabo Verde Islands and those born in the U.S. and elsewhere.


2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lanny Thompson

The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai'i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people's language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randolph D. Hubach ◽  
Rebecca Zipfel ◽  
Fatima A Muñoz ◽  
Ilana Brongiel ◽  
Annabella Narvarte ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction: The United States (U.S.) has higher rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and adolescent pregnancy than most other industrialized countries. Furthermore, health disparities persist among racial and ethnic minority adolescents (e.g., African American and Latinx) and in counties located along the U.S.–Mexico border region – they demonstrate the highest rates of STIs and unintended pregnancy among adolescents.Methods: Qualitative data were collected as part of formative research for the development of a mobile app that provides gender-inclusive sexual education to adolescents living in the U.S. – Mexico border region. From August 2019 to March 2020, in-depth interviews and focus groups were conducted with healthcare providers (n=11) and cisgender, heterosexual, and SGM adolescents ages 15-18 (n=3; 20 participants).Results: Providers and adolescents reported similar barriers to accessing SRH in this region such as transportation, lack of insurance and cost of services or accessing services without their parent’s knowledge. However, providers shared that some adolescents in this region face extreme poverty, family separation (i.e., parent has been deported), have a mixed family legal status or are binational and have to travel every day from Mexico to the U.S. for school. These challenges further limit their ability to access SRH.Conclusions: Adolescents in the U.S.-Mexico border region face unique economic and social challenges that further limit their access to SRH care, making them uniquely vulnerable to STIs and unintended pregnancy. Our findings provide further evidence for the need for interventions and service delivery, programs tailored for residents in the border region.


Author(s):  
Douglas S. Massey ◽  
Jorge Durand ◽  
Karen A. Pren

A majority of Mexican and Central Americans living in the United States today are undocumented or living in a marginal, temporary legal status. This article is a comparative analysis of how Mexican and non-Mexican Latino immigrants fare in the U.S. labor market. We show that despite higher levels of human capital and a higher class background among non-Mexican migrants, neither they nor Mexican migrants have fared very well in the United States. Over the past four decades, the real value of their wages has fallen across the board, and both Mexican and non-Mexican migrant workers experience wage penalties because they are in liminal legal categories. With Latinos now composing 17 percent of the U.S. population and 25 percent of births, the precariousness of their labor market position should be a great concern among those attending to the nation’s future.


2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (9) ◽  
pp. 789-791
Author(s):  
Mathias B Forrester

Although the multi-component weight loss supplement Redotex is banned in the United States, the supplement can be obtained in Mexico. The intent of this report was to describe the pattern of Redotex calls received by a statewide poison center system. Cases were all Redotex calls received by Texas poison centers during 2000—2008. The distribution of total calls and those involving ingestion of the supplement were determined for selected demographic and clinical factors. Of 34 total Redotex calls received, 55.9% came from the 14 Texas counties that border Mexico. Of the 22 reported Redotex ingestions, 77.3% of the patients were female and 45.5% 20 years or more. Of the 17 ingestions involving no coingestants, 52.9% were already at or en route to a health care facility, 41.2% were managed on site, and 5.9% was referred to a health care facility. The final medical outcome was no effect in 23.5% cases, minor effect in 5.9%, moderate effect in 11.8%, not followed but minimal clinical effects possible in 47.1%, and unable to follow but judged to be potentially toxic in 11.8%. Most Redotex calls to the Texas poison center system originated from counties bordering Mexico.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110618
Author(s):  
David Stoll

Exporting labor to the United States has become the principal industry of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Central Americans have been moving to the United States in large numbers since the 1980s, but how they gain entry has shifted thanks to the interplay between the migration industry and border enforcement. Many Guatemalans, Hondurans, and Salvadorans are paying smugglers to deliver them to U.S. border agents so they can apply for asylum. The Trump administration’s harsh reactions have energized asylum advocates, who argue that applicants are fleeing dislocation by neoliberal capitalism. Migrant households in the Ixil Maya municipio of Nebaj, Guatemala, express an optimistic interpretation of this situation that they call their American Dream. Their wish for high wages in the United States can be seen as the latest in a series of “hope machines” that interpret disadvantageous relations of exchange as the path to a better future. Such hopes are based on the irrefutable buying power of the dollar, but migrant remittances to their families conceal the extraction of rents. U.S. asylum advocates understandably stress that the most important challenge facing irregular immigrants is their legal status. However, with or without legal status, the underlying issue for migrants will continue to be their position in the U.S. job market, because this generates household indebtedness that increases vulnerability to human trafficking. La exportación de mano de obra a los Estados Unidos se ha convertido en la principal industria de Guatemala, El Salvador y Honduras. Los centroamericanos se han estado mudando a los Estados Unidos en grandes cantidades desde la década de 1980, pero la forma en la que obtienen la entrada ha cambiado gracias a la interacción entre la industria de la migración y la industria de la deportación. Muchos guatemaltecos, hondureños y salvadoreños pagan a coyotes para que los entreguen a agentes fronterizos de Estados Unidos, pudiendo así puedan solicitar asilo. Las duras reacciones de la administración Trump han energizado a los defensores del asilo, quienes argumentan que los solicitantes están huyendo de la dislocación causada por el capitalismo neoliberal. Los migrantes en el municipio ixil maya de Nebaj, Guatemala, tienen una interpretación optimista de esta situación, la cual llaman su Sueño americano. Su deseo de salarios altos en Los Estados Unidos puede ser visto como la última en una serie de “máquinas de esperanza” que interpretan las desventajosas relaciones de intercambio como el camino hacia un futuro mejor. Dichas esperanzas se basan en el irrefutable poder adquisitivo del dólar, pero las remesas de los migrantes a sus familias ocultan la extracción de rentas. Los defensores del asilo en Estados Unidos enfatizan, comprensiblemente, que el desafío más importante que enfrentan los inmigrantes irregulares es su estatus legal. Sin embargo, con o sin estatus legal, el problema subyacente para los migrantes seguirá siendo su posición en el mercado laboral estadunidense, ya que esto genera el endeudamiento de los hogares e incrementa su vulnerabilidad a la trata de personas.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenna van Draanen ◽  
Haodong Tao ◽  
Saksham Gupta ◽  
Sam Liu

BACKGROUND Infodemiology is an emerging field of research that utilizes user-generated health-related content, such as that found in social media, to help improve public health. Twitter has become an important venue for studying emerging patterns in health issues like substance use because it can reflect trends in real-time and display messages generated directly by users, giving a uniquely personal voice to analyses. Over the past year, several states in the United States (U.S.) have passed legislation to legalize adult recreational use of cannabis and the federal government in Canada has done the same. There are few studies that examine the sentiment and content of tweets about cannabis since the recent legislative changes regarding cannabis have occurred in North America. OBJECTIVE To examine differences in the sentiment and content of cannabis-related tweets by state cannabis laws, and to examine differences in sentiment between the U.S and Canada between 2017-2019. METHODS In total, 1,200,127 cannabis-related tweets were collected from January 1, 2017 to June 17 2019 using the Twitter application programming interface. Tweets then were grouped geographically based on cannabis legal status (legal for adult recreational use, legal for medical use, and no legal use) in the locations from which the tweets came. Sentiment scoring for the tweets was done with VADER Sentiment, and differences in sentiment for states with different cannabis laws were tested using Tukey adjusted two-sided pairwise comparisons. Topic analysis to determine the content of tweets was done using Latent Dirichlet Allocation in Python, using a Java implementation, LdaMallet, with Gensim wrapper. RESULTS Significant differences were seen in tweet sentiment between U.S. states with different cannabis laws, as well as between the U.S. and Canada. In both cases, restrictive state policy environments (e.g., those where cannabis use is fully illegal, or legal for medical use only) were associated with more negative tweet sentiment than less restrictive policy environments (e.g., where cannabis is legal for adult recreational use). Six key topics were found in recent U.S. tweet content: fun and recreation (key words e.g., love, life, high); daily life (today, start, live); transactions (buy, sell, money); places of use (room, car, house); medical use and cannabis industry (business, industry, company); and legalization (legalize, police, tax). The keywords representing content of tweets also differed between the U.S. and Canada. CONCLUSIONS Knowledge about how cannabis is being discussed online, and geographic differences that exist in these conversations may help to inform public health planning and prevention efforts. Public health education about how to use cannabis in ways that promote safety and minimize harms may be especially important in places where cannabis is legal for adult recreational and medical use. CLINICALTRIAL


Author(s):  
Jane H. Hong

Drawing from U.S. and Philippine archives, this chapter places Filipina/o advocates in conversation with Filipina/o Americans and their allies in the 1940s campaign to pass a Philippine citizenship bill. Philippine officials took up the legislative cause in order to prepare for what they feared would be the catastrophic financial costs of national independence from U.S. colonial rule. They hoped to cultivate Filipina/o Americans as a reliable source of remittances and other support sent from the United States to the islands. Manila’s role in the Washington-based naturalization campaign thus exemplified Philippine officials’ instrumental understanding of the U.S. citizenship bill as a means to achieve their own national goals. It also reflected their flexible view of national citizenship. Through their support of naturalization rights, Manila officials sought to inculcate in Filipina/o Americans a sense of responsibility to the islands that transcended a formal legal status alone. Viewed from Asia, then, Manila’s campaigning for the Luce-Celler bill can be seen as an act of Philippine state-building intended to safeguard and promote the islands’ economic welfare and stability after independence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 684 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Moorefield

Migrants holding H-2A and H-2B visas—contracted labor migrants—predominate in the new migration system that has emerged between Mexico and the United States. These migrants have been growing numerically in an era when net Mexico-U.S. migration has fallen to zero and undocumented migration is negative. These migrants are committed to contracts that require them to work for one employer, at a specified job, in a particular place, for a set duration of time, or risk loss of legal status and deportation. When visas were scarce, as they have been historically, this effectively gave employers monopoly over their contracted workers. This article describes the current system, particularly with respect to the U.S. labor market and the geography of both Mexico and the United States. With more employers now seeking H-2A and H-2B workers, the current moment may provide migrant workers with greater leverage to challenge the dominance of labor contractors and employers by moving among firms, industries, markets, and states from one contract to the next.


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