scholarly journals Responsible Citizens against an Irresponsible State: The Case of Greece amidst the COVID-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Sofia Alexopoulou ◽  
Antonia Pavli
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Past ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Dependency Structures ◽  
Developed World ◽  
Of Greece

How is it possible for citizens to act responsibly if they live in an irresponsible state? This is the key question that this paper revolves around in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in Greece. Individual responsibility is the dominant ‘mantra’ of post-modernity and is widely spread by the neoliberal dogma. The individual has to take care of him/herself in any possible way to avoid risks without depending so much on the benevolent state, which, in the developed world, takes the form of a welfare state. Thus, a new type of citizen appears, the “responsible citizen”. The oxymoron, however, in the Greek case is that the state and particularly the political elites maintain bad practices of the past without being able to overcome the country’s path-dependency structures by acting responsibly. The concept of “empathy” is undoubtedly the missing link in this intriguing puzzle of good governance. Will the Greek political elites be able to recognize and embrace empathy in practice?

scholarly journals Las incertidumbres del constitucionalismo global

2020 ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Stephane Pinon
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jean Giraudoux ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Global Constitutionalism ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Sobre Todo

En los discursos jurídicos se multiplican las referencias al «constitucionalismo global», sobre todo desde que brotó la pandemia del covid19. El concepto en fase de construcción aparece a la vez como una solución y como un problema ante el desarrollo de la globalización y de la interacción entre los actores jurídicos. Nuestro estudio privilegia el segundo aspecto. El dramaturgo Jean Giraudoux planteó que «El derecho es la más poderosa escuela de la imaginación. Nunca poeta ninguno ha interpretado la naturaleza tan libremente como un jurista la realidad». Más allá de los sueños, preferimos poner de relieve tres puntos: la perspectiva de un nuevo tipo de oligarquía tras el constitucionalismo global, las amenazas de una combinación entre la depreciación del «político» y la centralidad del individuo, el discurso de la convergencia de los derechos humanos que desenmascara la presencia de un imperialismo cultural. Enfocado al constitucionalismo global, ¿qué hacer del derecho constitucional europeo: un modelo sugestivo o perturbador?In the juridical discourses the references to the global constitutionalism are multiplying themselves, in particular since the arrival of the Covid 19. This concept, in the middle of construction, appears as a solution as well as a problem, confronted to the development of the globalization and the interaction between the juridical actors. This study is prioritizing the second aspect. The playwright Jean Giraudoux used this formula: «the law is the most powerful of schools for the imagination. No poet ever interpreted nature as freely as a lawyer interprets the truth». Beyond the utopias, I’d rather underline three points: the perspective of a new type of oligarchy behind the global constitutionalism; the threats of a combination of the devaluation of the political power and the centrality of the individual; and eventually the discourse to the convergence of the human rights, which hides the presence of a cultural imperialism. To conclude, inside this reflexion about the global constitutionalism, how to consider the European constitutional law: as a role model to follow, or as a model to reject?

The Political Perversion of Art

1941 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-249
Author(s):  
Frank O'Malley
Keyword(s):  
Virginia Woolf ◽  
William Langland ◽  
The State ◽  
John Dos Passos ◽  
The Political ◽  
William Morris ◽  
Hart Crane ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Twentieth Century America

MOST MEN are content to believe that politics deals with the practical problems of the administration of the state. But the term can have a greater and wider significance. It can also mean, as it meant for Aristotle, the whole character of men's life in society. In the past as well as in the present, poets and novelists of every country have often devoted themselves not merely to the good of their art but directly and especially, in varying degrees, to the problem of the good of the state and of society. In an older England, for example, William Langland, Skelton, Dryden, Samuel Butler, Shelley, and William Morris, to mention only a few, have struck into political themes and preoccupations; and today the problem, from manifold aspects, of the relation of the individual to society has not been ignored by T. S. Eliot, J. M. Murry, C. Day Lewis, Stephen Spender, and even Mrs. Virginia Woolf, among others. And the “reform” of an afflicted twentieth-century America has engaged talents and humors as dissimilar as those of, say, Sinclair Lewis, John Dos Passos, Hart Crane, and Maxwell Anderson. The seriousness of such people no one would question, although the agitations of a few, particularly in periods of crisis, for a specific good polity or a specific good economy sometimes interferes gravely with what should be their chief end: good art.

scholarly journals Social Media as Valuable Anti-Corruption Assets in the Public Sphere in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
B. Babasanya ◽  
L. Ganiyu ◽  
U. F. Yahaya ◽  
O. E. Olagunju ◽  
S. O. Olafemi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Individual

The issue of corruption in Nigeria has assumed a monumental dimension in such a way that it has become a household song and practice. Thus, adopting a rhetoric definition may not be appropriate instead a succinct description will suffice. The dimension of corruption is monumental because it started from pre-independence in the First republic with the first major political figure found culpable and investigated in 1944 and reach its peak recently with the evolvement of ‘godfatherism’ in the political landscape of the country. Therefore, corruption in Nigeria is more or less a household name. Using Social Responsibility Media Theory as a guide, this paper undertakes an examination of the right of the media to inform the public, serve the political system by making information, discussion and consideration of public affairs generally accessible, and to protect the rights of the individual by acting as watchdog over the governments. This discourse analysis is backed up with the presentation of documented materials on tracking corruption through the use of social media. Since the use of mainstream media only is disadvantageous owing to its demand-driven nature, social media stands as a veritable and result-orientated asset in tracking corruption across the public sphere. This paper found that complimented with mainstream media, social media and civic journalism have exposed corrupt tendencies of contractors and public office holders including the political class in the provision and handling of infrastructural development projects thereby make public officials accountable and create an open access to good governance.

scholarly journals 15 YEARS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA IN NATO – A CRITICAL VIEW ON DEFENCE SYSTEM

2019 ◽  
pp. 83-94
Author(s):  
MARKO CEHOVIN
Keyword(s):  
Human Resource ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Critical View ◽  
Defence System ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Developed World

Abstract Shortly after Independence, and even more profoundly after joining NATO, the issue of defence and security in Slovenia was set aside. It has been quickly forgotten that an army is a fundamental element of statehood, and that several times in history Slovenes have been forced to defend their existence with an armed force. “Budgetary malnutrition”, in combination with malfunctioning human resource management, has pushed the defence system into a spiral quest for the lowest point. By failing to fulfil its commitments on the level and structure of defence spending, Slovenia has lost much of its credibility in the Alliance in recent years. Slovenia gained a great deal by joining NATO. Geopolitically it has (re)positioned itself as part of the most developed world. The most significant benefit of membership is collective security, which has brought manifold effects, including economic ones; defence is much cheaper today than it would be if Slovenia were not a member of the Alliance. After fifteen years of NATO membership, Slovenia is still divided between peace idealism and realism that historically confirms that allies are required. The defence system needs to be renovated, transformed and integrated, and solutions that have been repeatedly already identified must be implemented. The role of the political elites is to recognize, lead and guide these challenges. Key words Defence system, NATO, critical analysis, reforms.

scholarly journals Interrogating the Constitutional Requisites for Legislative Oversight in the Promotion of Accountability and Good Governance in South Africa and Nigeria

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-59
Author(s):  
Omololu Fagbadebo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The People ◽  
Legislative Oversight ◽  
The Face ◽  
Legislative Activities

This article interrogates the effectiveness of the requisites for constitutional provisions in respect of the promotion of accountability and good governance in South Africa and Nigeria. The article notes that the drafters of the Constitutions of the two countries made sufficient provisions for the regulation and control of the executive and legislative activities in a manner that could guarantee effective service delivery. These constitutional provisions, in line with the practices of their respective governing systems of the two countries, empower the legislature to hold the executive accountable. The article discovers that the lawmakers in the two countries lacked the capacity to harness the provisions for intended purposes. Using the elite theory for its analysis, the article argues that legislative oversight in South Africa and Nigeria is not as effective as envisaged in the constitutional provisions envisaged. This weakness has given rise to the worsening governance crises in the two countries in spite of their abundant economic and human resources. The article opines that the institutional structures of the political systems of the two countries, especially the dominant party phenomenon, coupled with the personal disposition of the political elites incapacitate the effective exercise of the oversight powers of legislatures in the two countries. The article, therefore, submits that the people of the two countries have to devise another means of holding their leaders accountable in the face of collaboration between the executive and the legislature to perpetuate impunity in the public space. Independent agencies should be more active in the exposure of unethical behaviours of the political elites, while the judiciary should be more independent in the dispensation of justice.

Three Decades of Bangladeshi Politics (1990-2019): The Emergence and Collapse of the Political Settlements

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Ali Riaz
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Dominant Coalition ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Political Settlement

This paper explores the tumultuous political history of Bangladesh since it embarked on democratization process in 1991 after two decades of civilian and military authoritarianism, using the political settlement framework. Political settlement, in this paper is understood as, an agreement among elites and other social forces regarding ‘distribution of benefits supported by its institutions consistent with the distribution of power in the society’ (Khan, 2010). At the political level the arrangement is expected to ensure that the system would not unravel by conflict and violence. In the past decades, the country not only experienced repeated episodes of violence but also hopes of a democratic transformation have faded. Bangladesh has moved towards a non-inclusive political system. The paper argues that the period in question is marked by the emergence and collapse of a political settlement among political elites. It explores the nature and scope of the political settlement that emerged in the 1980s and collapsed by 2010, and demonstrates that by 2014, an exclusionary authoritarian settlement has emerged characterized by a lack of inclusivity and coercive apparatuses’ heightened role. The breakdown of political settlement was predicated by the nature of the settlement, its implications for the elites in the challenger coalition, and the degree of inclusivity of the dominant coalition. The exclusionary political settlement provides a semblance of ‘stability’ for a limited period but fails to contain the tension in the long term even when it delivers economic growth.

scholarly journals Editorial: political abuse of psychiatry in authoritarian systems

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-102
Author(s):  
J. P. Tobin
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Mental Health Professionals ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Health Professionals ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diagnostic Categories ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Individual

We are painfully aware: Psychiatry in some states of the international community is often used to subvert the political and legal guarantees of the freedom of the individual and to violate seriously his human and legal rights (Daes,1986).ObjectiveIt can be politically convenient to incarcerate political opponents in a psychiatric hospital. It saves any potential political embarrassment that a judicial trial may present. It also undermines the credibility of opponents by labelling them with the stigma of being mentally insane. For this to occur, there has to be the acquiescence of mental health professionals and a subservient legal system.MethodThis article examines the abuse of psychiatry in two authoritarian systems, Russia and China.ResultNew diagnostic categories such as sluggish schizophrenia were created to facilitate the silencing of dissenters and were a source of self-deception for psychiatrist to placate their consciences as they operated as a tool of oppression on behalf of a political system.ConclusionIf we do not know the past, we will be condemned to repeat it.

The Tyranny of Reason in the World of the Polis

1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 1261-1275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlene W. Saxonhouse
Keyword(s):  
Physical World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Modern Language ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

The modern language of tyranny has distorted the significance of the Greek term tyrannos. In ancient Greek the term was accorded to the new ruler in the city, one whose legitimacy did not reside in his bonds to the ancient rulers and ancient families. Tyranny thus suggested a freedom from the past. Reason, as the Greeks understood it, also entailed a breaking away from the physical world. Reason and tyranny thus work together as expressions of freedom, but it is a freedom that in its transcendence of boundaries leads to tragedy. An examination of Sophocles' Oedipus draws out both the glory and the failure of the individual attempt of the political actor to rise above the historical particular and the mere body to build a world where reason alone is power.

scholarly journals Iran

1985 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-61
Author(s):  
Tahir Amin
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Major Objective ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Type ◽  
Economic Developments ◽  
Political Scene

INTRODUCTIONPolitical and economic developments in the post revolutionary Iranpresent a special dilemma to outside observers in general and to socialscientists in particular as many developments do not seem to fit theusualpolitical and economic categories with which the social scientists arenormally familiar. As a result, most analysts of contemporary Iran,approaching the reality from the rigidly preconceived conceptual lenses,tend to grossly distort the actual picture. The contemporary situation inIran is usually portrayed as one of utter chaos and turmoil with little orno hope for any progress in the future. It is seen as ruled by “emptyheadkid”,“conservative”, “brutal,” and “incompetent” mullahs who arebent upon destroying any signs of progress and civilization. Eventhe moderate analysts who seem to be less preoccupied with their biasesand more cognizant of the new realities, appear to dismiss any long-termconsequences of the current changes taking place in contemporary Iran.My major objective in the following pages is to develop an alternativeimage of the same reality. I argue here that slowly and gradually, a newpolitical and economic order is emerging in Iran, whose broad objectivesand outlines are clear. A major distinguishing characteristic of thisorder is its public welfarist orientation with special attention to thelower-middle and lower classes. And this order has the potential of sofundamentally transforming the political scene in Iran in the long runwhere the old issues and the old actors are most likely to be irrelevant tothe new type of politics. Once successful, the political implications of thisorder will have a much wider effect on the Muslim world than commonlyassumed.This paper has four sections. The first section deals with the ideology ofthe Islamic republic. Examining the ideas of the leading revolutionarythinkers, we shall try to establish a criteria against which the regime’spolitical and economic performance is to be assessed. The second sectionof the paper describes the nature of key political and economicinstitutions established in the aftermath of the revolution and their modeof functioning. The third part of the paper is concerned with theeconomic performance of the regime over the past five years. We shallassess its performance in two ways: (a) in light of the criteria establishedin the first part of the paper and (b) a brief comparison of the IslamicRepublic’s five year performance with the prerevolutionary Iran’s lastfive-year plan (1973-1978). The final section of the paper summarizes themajor conclusions of this study and also attempts to project a likelyfuture scenario ...

scholarly journals NATO AFTER 2014 BACK TO THE ROOTS OR FORWARD TOWARDS THE FUTURE?

2014 ◽  
pp. 11-28
Author(s):  
UROŠ LAMPRET ◽  
STAŠA NOVAK
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
The Past ◽  
Perception Of Threat ◽  
Key Word ◽  
The Future ◽  
National Defence

In spite of the question and the possibility of a simplified understanding, the title “Back to the Roots or Forward towards the Future?” is not necessary a dilemma regarding the future development of the Alliance. Back and forward is not about two directions, but more about the need to combine the lessons learned, while strengthening the bonds that have been underpinning NATO throughout its history, and reinforcing the strong core of the Alliance with the mechanisms that are going to provide the necessary protection against the full spectrum of threats. Threats that are known, the ones we can predict and those that cannot yet be foreseen. The key word for the latter is flexibility. With this in mind, we can clearly recognise the farsighted nature of the 2010 Strategic Concept, which remains the guiding document for the Alliance for the future years despite the turmoil in Eastern Europe and Middle East and the related increased perception of threat felt by some Allies. Going back to the roots means ensuring a credible preparedness for collective defence, while going toward the future signifies the importance of being able to use the capabilities for defence against the whole spectrum of threats, and perform other core tasks of the Alliance. There is no need for the revolution to ensure the credibility of the Alliance, but there is a ‘simple’ demand to fulfil the commitments given in the past regarding the provision of capabilities. This has been a challenge for many Allies, and their slowness has had negative implications for the Alliance’s credibility. In light of this, the Russian-Ukrainian dynamics can also be an opportunity for the national defence systems to convince the political elites that defence matters and that there are costs associated with it. Naslov kljub vprašaju in možnosti poenostavljenega razumevanja ne predstavlja nujno dileme o prihodnosti razvoja zavezništva. Nazaj in naprej ne pomenita dveh smeri, temveč bolj združevanje naučenih lekcij in poudarjanje veznega tkiva, ki je Nato skozi zgodovino ohranjalo tako močno, ter opremljanje tega zdravega jedra z mehanizmi, ki nas bodo še naprej ščitili pred celotnim spektrom groženj. Pred tistimi, ki jih poznamo, tistimi, ki jih lahko predvidevamo, ter nekako tudi pred tistimi, ki jih ne moremo predvideti. Pri slednjih je ključna beseda fleksibilnost. V takšnem prikazu lahko prepoznamo daljnovidnost zavezniškega koncepta iz leta 2010, ki kljub pretresom v Vzhodni Evropi in na Bližnjem vzhodu ter s tem povezanim povečanim občutkom ogroženosti v nekaterih zaveznicah ostaja temeljni smerokaz organizaciji tudi za prihodnja leta. Vračanje h koreninam pomeni zagotavljanje prepričljive pripravljenosti na kolektivno obrambo, usmeritev v prihodnost pa možnost uporabe zmogljivosti za obrambo pred spektrom različnih groženj in izvajanje drugih temeljnih nalog zavezništva. Za zagotavljanje verodostojnosti organizacije ni nujna revolucija, temveč preprosta izpolnitev preteklih zavez za zagotavljanje zmogljivosti. Prav s tem so imele članice veliko težav in ravno njihova počasnost je negativno vplivala na zavezniško verodostojnost. S tega vidika je lahko rusko-ukrajinska dinamika samo priložnost za obrambne sisteme, da opozorijo politične elite na pomen obrambe in dejstvo, da ta stane.

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