scholarly journals Covid-19 in Estonia. Restrictions and population’s coping with them

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Ene-Margit Tiit ◽  
Marianna Makarova

The article is based on a selection of data commissioned by the Government Office of the Republic of Estonia and received during 10 weeks from weekly surveys (COVID-THEMATIC SURVEY) conducted by Turu-uuringute AS, a market research company. The study began on 17 March and lasted for 10 weeks to 21 May. On three days of every week, about 2,000 Estonian residents aged 15 and over were interviewed. The respondents were randomly selected and represented the entire population of Estonia in terms of gender, age, ethnicity and social affiliation. The time series on the assessment of virus infections, hospital and intensive care (mechanical ventilation) and COVID deaths, compiled on the basis of data published by the Health Board, was also used as background information. The first three rounds took place during the period of increasing morbidity, the following four rounds (4–7) during the study period when the morbidity situation remained more or less stable, and all the established restrictions also applied. The last stage, rounds 8–10, took place at a time when morbidity was declining and restrictions were gradually eased. The survey revealed that Estonia was not ready for the crisis – just like most of the world’s countries. The crisis tested, on the one hand, the government’s ability to make difficult decisions and make significant use of the brain potential of the country’s research community, and, on the other hand, the people’s reasonableness, stress tolerance and ability to comply with rather awkward restrictions. It follows from the present analysis that all the restrictions were opposed by those who did not believe in their appropriateness. However, compared to the total population, their number was small, and, therefore, the restrictions in Estonia were maintained without sanctions and no contradictions arose, let alone unrest. The open action of the Crisis Committee was very important: the number of new infections, the number of patients in need of hospital treatment and mechanical ventilation, as well as the number of deaths, were reported daily at both the government press conference and in the media. The survey showed that there were very few people in the country who thought they did not know everything they needed about the crisis. The fact that people remained rather cautious in their assessments even after the end of the emergency situation adds to the hope of coping with the virus in the future – should a second wave or any other threat come.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Dyah Adriantini Sintha Dewi

The Ombudsman as an external oversight body for official performance, in Fikih Siyasah (constitutionality in Islam) is included in the supervision stipulated in legislation (al-musahabah al-qomariyah). Supervision is done so that public service delivery to the community is in accordance with the rights of the community. This is done because in carrying out its duties, officials are very likely to conduct mal administration, which is bad public services that cause harm to the community. The Ombudsman is an institution authorized to resolve the mal administration issue, in which one of its products is by issuing a recommendation. Although Law No. 37 of 2018 on the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia states that the recommendation is mandatory, theombudsman's recommendations have not been implemented. This is due to differences in point of view, ie on the one hand in the context of law enforcement, but on the other hand the implementation of the recommendation is considered as a means of opening the disgrace of officials. Recommendations are the last alternative of Ombudsman's efforts to resolve the mal administration case, given that a win-win solution is the goal, then mediation becomes the main effort. This is in accordance with the condition of the Muslim majority of Indonesian nation and prioritizes deliberation in resolving dispute. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the community and officials related to the implementation of the Ombudsman's recommendations in order to provide good public services for the community, which is the obligation of the government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1520-1541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanton Peele ◽  
Stanley J. Morse

Immediately prior to the 1970 parliamentary election in the Republic of South Africa, 462 white voters in Cape Town were questioned about their demographic backgrounds, voting intentions, and political attitudes. The study showed that ethnicity is the major determinant of party vote: Afrikaners vote for the National Party, the English-speaking for the United Party. SES-related factors predict party identification only insofar as they covary with ethnicity. While a liberalization of political attitudes with rising SES can be observed, this has no bearing on electoral behavior. Party vote is not related to ideological or issue orientations, but is related to the intensity of the voter's identification with his own ethnic group and with white South Africans in general. Voters tend to react positively or negatively to the NP, with the UP serving chiefly as a vehicle for protest votes against the government. The slight drop in NP support in 1970 was due to a key group of abstainers who—while basically Nat supporters—were more liberal than those who said they would vote for the NP. It is “Ambiguous Afrikaners” (those who are changing to an “English” identity), and only some of those, who are defecting completely from their traditional political allegiance. They represent the one sign of potential change in South Africa's uniquely stable political system.


Significance The government initiated the talks with a view to defusing tensions in domestic politics. Opposition parties boycotted the one-sided presidential election in 2014 that brought President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz to power for a second time since his 2009 win. Abdel Aziz initially came to power in a coup in 2008, and dominates politics along with his Union for the Republic (UPR) party. Impacts Economic growth will be driven primarily by the mining and petroleum sector. Mining companies may scale back their investment plans further. Economic hardship and discrimination may lead to more protests, but these will be limited.


Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 78-93
Author(s):  
Vasilii Sacovici ◽  

The article examines the state of food security in the Republic of Moldova and the provision of the country’s population with food since the last quarter of the XX century. Until now. Based on the analysis of various information for the specified period, the author showed that by the end of the XX century. due to the destruction of the main production potential of the agro-industrial complex, Moldova lost its food independence. On the one hand, this is the result of a significant decline in domestic food production. On the other hand, this trend is explained by a sharp increase in imports of traditionally produced in the country types of food products. In conclusion, it is concluded that ensuring food security in Moldova is possible on its own production basis, which is due to significant natural resources sufficient for the production of all major types of food products in the required quantity and proper quality. Due to the fact that in modern conditions agricultural production and food markets, being neither self-regulating nor self-sufficient, cannot successfully function without state regulation and support The government should take responsibility for the development and implementation of a specific state program in the field of national security in the food sector to provide the population with its own food. Keywords: agro-industrial complex, Moldova, food security, reform, physical accessibility, development strategy.


Author(s):  
D G Mihailichenko ◽  
E V Sobolev

The article focuses on peculiarities of the political culture of habitants of middle and big cities in the Republic of Bashkortostan. Economic distinctions of the region, its multyethnicity and religious diversity allows to apply conclusions on the state as a whole. Based on sociological data and historical analysis the authors revealed the genesis of the subjective type of political culture in the middle and big cities of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The authors also examine such peculiarities of the culture of townsmen as low protest potential, political indifference, alienating type of behavior, absence of critical attitude to information. The authors analyze the principal problems that city’s habitants faced in the conditions of economic and political transformation and how the subjective type of culture impedes to resolve these problems in a positive way. Such problems of the cities are pointed out as deindustrialization, depopulation, the ageing of the population and decline in living standards. Despite the worsening economic and social situation of residents of the big and average cities of Bashkortostan, growth of protest moods among them it is not observed, and most of citizens as show data of sociological polls, keep loyalty to the government at the regional and federal level. The authors' point of view is that the type of the political culture of the habitants causes the loyalty. In the conclusion, the authors show the perspective of the cities, the contradiction in state policy that initiates the civic engagement on the one hand but demands on the political loyalty on the other hand.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-235
Author(s):  
Dragoš Stojanović ◽  
Nebojša Mitrović ◽  
Dejan Stevanović ◽  
Damir Jašarović ◽  
Srđan Milina ◽  
...  

Introduction: In December 2019, the existence of a new type of disease, caused by SARS coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), was discovered in the city of Wuhan, the Republic of China. The disease itself is characterized by a large number of patients with moderate and severe clinical presentation, who require hospital treatment. The organization of the healthcare system of Serbia, during the aforementioned pandemic, has required the engagement of all doctors, regardless of their specialty, in the treatment of patients with COVID-19. Surgeons of all branches, from the Surgery Clinic of the Clinical Hospital Center Zemun, were directly engaged in the treatment of both primary manifestations of the virus and the numerous surgical complications arising in the wake of this disease, but also in the treatment of primary acute surgical diseases in COVID-19-positive patients. Aim: The aim of this paper is to present the functioning of the Surgery Clinic of CHC Zemun, in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as to present the types and results of surgical procedures performed in patients with the COVID-19 infection. Methods: This study was conceived as a retrospective study and was conducted in the period between February 2020 and April 2021, in patients who had undergone emergency surgery and in whom the COVID-19 infection had previously been verified. A total of 232 patients surgically treated at the level of the entire Surgery Clinic of the CHC Zemun participated in the study. Results: Chest drainage, due to the development of pneumothorax, accounted for a quarter of all surgical procedures performed, while, in 53.85% of cases, surgical treatment was undertaken due to acute abdomen of various etiology, and in 21.15% of cases, due to vascular diseases. Conclusion: The COVID-19 pandemic is, in itself, a major challenge for the entire healthcare system. The role of the surgeon is significant, both in organization and in direct treatment, which is additionally complicated by the uniqueness of the entire situation and the severity of the disease itself. In addition to their involvement in the treatment of the COVID-19 infection itself, surgeons were, in a large number of cases, engaged in their primary activity in health care, i.e., in the treatment of surgical diseases and complications of COVID-19, performing demanding surgical procedures in very difficult and unique conditions.


Author(s):  
Ria Sintha Devi

The existence of Foreign Investment in Indonesia is very important and strategic in supporting the implementation of national economic development and increasing economic growth in the community. Foreign investment which is regulated in law No. 25 of 2007 about the legal protection for foreign investment in Indonesia, both investment in the form of a Limited Company (PT) or investment. This shows that foreigners in Indonesia who carry out their capital investment activities are regulated by law and protected by the government under the law. The formulation of the problem were how the position of the establishment of foreign investment companies in Indonesia was, what the procedures for the implementation of foreign investment in Indonesia were, and what efforts have been made by the government if there were violations of law in foreign investment in Indonesia. The results of the study showed every foreign company that wanted to invest in Indonesia had to get the principle permission to the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) and the One Stop Integrated Investment and Services Office (PTSP), so that the company could be established in Indonesia and its establishment was in accordance with the procedures of the law on foreign investment so that the foreign investment company was fully under the responsibility and supervision of the Republic of Indonesia. The government also gave relief to foreign investment in Indonesia in freeing the entry tax fees for goods or electronic equipment for foreign investment (PMA) in Indonesia in investing their capital.


Author(s):  
Patricia University of Pretoria

It has been nearly 22 years since the start of war in northern Uganda, waged by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) under the leadership of Joseph Kony. Kony started this war with the spiritual and traditional belief in the need to defend the Acholi people from the National Resistance Movement (NRM), led by Yoweri Museveni, who took over power in 1986 from the Acholi general Tito Okello. In this war, thousands of people have lost their lives and many others have been adducted. On 13 October 2005 the ICC issued warrants of arrest to the top five commanders. The commanders included Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen and Rasak Lukwiya, who is now deceased. Before these indictments were issued there was a lot of debate on whether these commanders should be tried by the ICC or the traditional justice system. This led to the passing of the Amnesty Act in 2000. ‘Amnesty’ in the Amnesty Act means pardon, forgiveness, exemption, or discharge from criminal prosecution or any other form of punishment by the state. Amnesty is declared in respect of any Ugandan who at any time since 26 January 1986 engaged in, or is engaging, in war or armed rebellion against the government of the Republic of Uganda. However, the people of northern Uganda have resorted to the traditional way of conflict resolution through the mato oput ritual, and the local population prefer this system to the one that the ICC will apply to ensure that justice is achieved. It is important to note that this ritual is performed only among the Acholi people. The question may be posed: what happens to other tribes in the northern part of the country who have also suffered as a result of this conflict? Will they benefit from this traditional ritual practice in that they will be able to forgive the perpetrators and reconcile with them? Will they see this as a form of justice being achieved? Can this ritual be relied on to achieve justice as an alternative to ICC trials? This article will address some aspects of the mato oput ritual and discuss whether justice could be achieved through this traditional method of conflict resolution.


1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (55) ◽  
pp. 527-528 ◽  

It will be recalled that the International Committee of the Red Cross addressed to the Governments of the Republic of Viet Nam, of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, as well as of the United States of America an appeal urging them to respect, in present conditions, the humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Conventions to which these States have acceded. This appeal was also sent to the National Liberation Front. In its number of September 1965, the International Review published the replies received by the ICRC. The one dated August 10, 1965, emanated from the United States Government and the other of August 11, 1965, was sent by the Government of the Republic of Viet Nam.


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