The Degradation of Citizenship

Author(s):  
Patrick J. Deneen

This chapter examines how liberalism's relentless emphasis upon private over public things, self-interest over civic spirit, and aggregation of individual opinion over common good gives rise to a degraded form of citizenship. It argues that the term “liberalism” as an adjective not only modifies “democracy” but proposes a redefinition of the ancient regime into its effective opposite, to one in which the people do not rule but are instead satisfied with the material and martial benefits of living in a liberal res idiotica. It also explains how the word “democracy” affords legitimation to the liberal regime from a populace whose purported consent stands in for a more robust form of citizenship. Finally, it contends that liberalism abandons the pervasive challenge of democracy as a regime requiring the cultivation of disciplined self-rule in favor of viewing the government as a separate if beneficent institution.

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


Author(s):  
Zsuzsanna Győri

A cikkben a szerző a piac és a kormányzat kudarcaiból kiindulva azonosítja a közjó elérését célzó harmadik rendszer, az etikai felelősség kudarcait. Statisztikai analógiát használva elsőfajú kudarcként azonosítja, mikor az etikát nem veszik figyelembe, pedig szükség van rá. Ugyanakkor másodfajú kudarcként kezeli az etika profitnövelést célzó használatát, mely megtéveszti az érintetteteket, így még szélesebb utat enged az opportunista üzleti tevékenységnek. Meglátása szerint a három rendszer egymást nemcsak kiegészíti, de kölcsönösen korrigálja is. Ez az elsőfajú kudarc esetében általánosabb, a másodfajú kudarc megoldásához azonban a gazdasági élet alapvetéseinek átfogalmazására, az önérdek és az egydimenziós teljesítményértékelés helyett egy új, holisztikusabb szemléletű közgazdaságra van szükség. _______ In the article the author identifies the errors of ethical responsibility. That is the third system to attain common good, but have similar failures like the other two: the hands of the market and the government. Using statistical analogy the author identifies Type I error when ethics are not considered but it should be (null hypothesis is rejected however it’s true). She treats the usage of ethics to extend profit as Type II error. This misleads the stakeholders and makes room for opportunistic behaviour in business (null hypothesis is accepted in turn it’s false). In her opinion the three systems: the hand of the market, the government and the ethical management not only amend but interdependently correct each other. In the case of Type I error it is more general. Nevertheless to solve the Type II error we have to redefine the core principles of business. We need a more holistic approach in economics instead of self-interest and one-dimensional interpretation of value.


1939 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mortimer Adler

This paper has a twofold intention.The first is to discuss the problem of political parties, — their justification and status, — in a society which requires political democracy as the set of political institutions appropriate for the government of men living under modern social and economic conditions. (By these modern conditions I mean such things as the economic forms of production and distribution in the industrial era; the organization of labor in relation to economic enterprise; the intensity and extensity of communication among men living in geographical separation and, consequently, the physical enlargement of the civic association; the approximation to universal education; the spread of literacy, etc.) There are two points to be noted here:(1) That modern society is or tends toward a democracy in its physical and economic conditions, whether in a given instance its political forms are outwardly democratic, as in France, England and the United States, or anti-democratic, as in Italy, Germany and Russia.(a) Not only does Russia publicize its claim to being democratic and make constitutional efforts in that direction which are, of course, at once vitiated by the persistence of its totalitarian regime; but even Germany and Italy give an appearance of democracy, — though they abominate the thought and word, — an appearance which is a reverse and distorted image. Thus, by the pressure of propaganda and the exercise of brutal force, the rulers of Germany and Italy try to make it appear that they have a mandate from the people for their policies.


1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benoy Kumar Sarkar

The conception of “external” sovereignty was well established in the Hindu philosophy of the state. The Hindu thinkers not only analyzed sovereignty with regard to the constituent elements in a single state. They realized also that sovereignty is not complete unless it is external as well as internal, that is, unless the state can exercise its internal authority unobstructed by, and independently of, other states.“Great misery,” says Shookra, “comes of dependence on others. There is no greater happiness than that from self-rule.” This is one of the maxims of the Shookra-neeti bearing on the freedom of the rastra, or the land and the people in a state. Kautilya also in his remarks on “foreign rule” expresses the same idea in a negative manner. Under it, we are told in his Artha-shastra, the country is not treated as one's own land, it is impoverished, its wealth carried off, or it is treated “as a commercial article.” The description is suggestive of John Stuart Mill's metaphor of the “cattle farm” applied to the “government of one people by another.”


Author(s):  
Gulen Cevik ◽  

The term public has a rather ambiguous and broad meaning so does public space. Considering “its full development as a product of modern capitalist society,”¹ public space is constructed alongside private space. Kost of points out the organizational and legal consequences of “explicitly defining and articulating an outdoor space for the common good” in that “the people assume a double responsibility: the upkeep of this space and its preservation as public property.”²As such, public spaces can serve as sites where public identity and meaning are negotiated in complex ways. Today, even in countries governed by western style democracy, the use and access to public spaces are often restricted and policed. Public spaces can be highly politicized when they become the setting for the glorification of leaders, social activism, political uprisings, conflict and violence. Since public spaces are one of many settings where citizens experience their city, what happens when public spaces are under attack? What if the memory and the meaning are transformed into fragmented and irrelevant pieces by business interests or the government? What happens to public life when public spaces are stripped off of their spaceness?


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Yuliya V Zubkina

The article is devoted to the mythologeme of asceticism, widespread in the domestic cinema of the 1930s and closely connected with the mythmaking of the Soviet system, the ideology of which was largely based on the moral principles of Christianity. Acting as the apparatus of agitation, the cinema of the big style created a new mythology, its cultural hero was an ascetic who orders chaos and ready for self-sacrifice for the sake of the common good. A distinctive feature of the big style was the so-called mythological triad: the party (invisibly present behind the scenes) - the mentor and the pupil (the teacher Sergeyev - the homeless Mustafa in the Road to Life, the secretary of the district committee - Sasha Sokolova in the Member of the Government, etc.) The pupil - in the past standing at the lowest level of the social hierarchy finds its light way by successfully realizing the main socialist message who was nothing will become everything. Ascetic is an innovator and an envoy of Soviet power, a mediator between her and the people, dictating to society a new moral code (Teacher, Member of the Government). Mass promotion of women as one of the most oppressed members of society to key positions occurred in the 1930s. At this time, the Cinderella archetype literally blossoms: the fate of a woman from the people becomes a living embodiment of the idea of a society of equal opportunities (Member of the Government, The Light Road, Volga-Volga, Jolly Fellows). While the official equality of citizens is declared at the state level, true equality and spiritual kinship of souls are achieved only through personal achievements for the benefit of the country. For a happy family life and successful self-fulfillment in the work collective, asceticism was an indispensable condition and a natural form of existence, prescribed from above by the norm of life. Thus, the idea of asceticism as the main principle of Christianity will become the basis of a new mythology, proposed by the Soviet power instead of the forbidden religion.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-286
Author(s):  
Bernd J. Hartmann

This article examines the standard of decision-making that applies to voters. Are they free to follow their personal interests or are they bound to make decisions most beneficial to the common good? This question is answered not only for elections,i.e., for people choosing their representatives and for parliament itself appointing officials. Furthermore, the treatise extends to other votes as well, as it covers not only referenda as the paradigmatic means of lawmaking by the people, but also parliamentarian legislation.


Jurnal CMES ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Qurratul Aini

<p>A leader is someone who is elected by the community for the common good. The concept of a leader includes not only those who hold positions in the government system, but also religious leaders.. This study aims to describe the ideal leader in Najib Kailani's <em>An-Nida@ul Kha@lid</em> novel by using Michael Riffaterre's semiotics as an analytical tool. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative analysis by describing the data in accordance with what it is then followed by analysis. The data collection technique is using listening and note-taking techniques. The results of this study state that the concept of an ideal leader must comply with three things, namely: 1) The leader must be wise making decisions, 2) the leader must defend the interests and unite the people, and 3) the leader must accommodate the aspirations of the people. While, the matrix in the text is the concept of an ideal leader who has a model of nurturing and embracing the community, and a variant in the form of a text related to ideal leadership. The potential hypogram found in the text is the same as the matrix, namely the concept of an ideal leader, while the actual hypogram, departs from the true story experienced by the author, where he grew and developed along with the outbreak of World War II, then in 1958-19865 went in and out of prison, and In 1982, the novel An-Nidaul Khalid was published.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Ideal Leader Concept, Semiotic, Riffaterre, Novel, Najib Kailani<em></em></p><p><em> </em></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Ana Ramadhona

The increasing price of urban land causes the government difficulty in providing land for development. The status of land tenure will be more legal with the certificate as proof of ownership and ownership of land rights. Presidential Regulation no. 65 year 2006 stated that the procurement of land for the implementation of development for public interest by the government carried out by way of disposal or surrender of land rights. Article 18 of the UUPA explains that the revocation of a person's right to the land owned by the government shall only be exercised if the land is used for the common good including the interests of the nation and the state and the common interest of the people, the rights of the land may be revoked, compensating feasible as regulated by law. This study aims to find out how the implementation of land consolidation for the construction of By Pass in Bukittinggi City. To find out the obstacles faced by the local government of Bukittinggi city in the settlement. This research uses sociological juridical method, primary data in research is interview to informant and second data is library materials. The results show that the implementation of land consolidation of By Pass of Bukittinggi city has not been implemented maximally because the community has not fully understand the purpose and objectives of the implementation of land consolidation so that the people do not wholeheartedly implement it. Constraints faced in the completion of land consolidation for by-pass included the lack of public knowledge about land consolidation, the objections of some communities in handing over their consolidated land to the government and Most of the consolidated lands are customary soils together so it is a bit difficult in decision maker.


1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Sandel

I am grateful to Professor Dagger for his insightful critique. He brings out the continuities and differences between Democracy's Discontent and my earlier work with subtlety and care. He writes in defense of liberalism, but not without sympathy for many of the ideals I invoke in the name of republicanism—civic virtue, encumbered selves, obligations of membership, the formative project. In fact, his republican sympathies are so expansive that I found myself unsure at times whether I could identity a fundamental disagreement.Professor Dagger's basic objection, as I understand it, is this: I overstate the opposition between liberalism and republicanism, between autonomy and civic virtue; in drawing these distinctions too sharply, I fail to acknowledge the elements of liberalism I implicitly affirm. Professor Dagger accepts the importance of civic virtue and the formative project. But he considers it a mistake to oppose liberalism as vigorously as I do, and “particularly wrong to oppose republicanism to liberalism.” Instead, he favors a “hybrid” of liberalism and republicanism that combines autonomy and civic virtue. Any republicanism worth defending must include “a commitment to liberal principles, such as tolerance, fair play, and respect for the rights of others.”Whether liberalism and republicanism are compatible doctrines depends on how they are conceived. At a certain level of generality, there is no necessary conflict: the liberal tradition stands for toleration and individual rights, while the republican tradition stands for government by the people. Liberal rights support republican self rule by preventing the majority from oppressing the minority, while the republican emphasis on civic virtue restrains individuals from abusing their rights and ignoring the common good.


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