scholarly journals Władza ludu czy elit politycznych? Próba zdefiniowania współczesnej demokracji

2018 ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Rachwał
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
Elected Representatives

Taking into consideration the etymology of the concept, it seems obvious that democracy stands for the power of the people. It needs to be borne in mind, however, that the concept of democracy was coined in Antiquity and served to describe the political reality at the time. The premises and practice of modern democratic states have considerably diverted from the ancient model. It therefore seems justifiable to ask whether democracy continues to stand for the power of the people. From the point of view of Ch. W. Mills, for instance, the power of the people is an idealistic intention and a noble postulate rather than a realistically achievable political phenomenon. He is not alone in this opinion. Therefore, the question arises of how to define modern democracy. Bearing in mind the considerable variety of current democratic states, it can be assumed that modern democracy is a system where the authorities are publicly accountable to the citizens, who act by means of elected representatives that compete and cooperate with one another. In other words, democracy is the power of a political elite controlled by the people via cyclical, competitive elections. Direct democracy needs to be highlighted here, as it is considerably closer to the etymology of the word ‘democracy’ and its Greek roots. Apart from Switzerland, however, the instruments of direct democracy are tools construed not for the citizens but rather for an opposition that can use them in order to build their position. In this manner the institutions that, by definition, should belong to the citizens have become instruments used by the political elite.

scholarly journals The place of the phenomenon of manipulation in political discourse

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
Nature Of Information ◽  
Huge Impact ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Masses

The article examines issues of political manipulation from the linguistic point of view. Diversified review of studies of the phenomenon of political manipulation was accomplished and the role of means of language in the process of manipulation was described. It is postulated that manipulation inherently belongs to the people`s speech and in particular to the speech of the politicians. In this respect, it is deemed to be wrong to study manipulation in an exclusively negative light. The focus of the research is the effect of the manipulatory impact and this interest is predetermined by the emphasis on the linguo-pragmatic aspects of communication. Political discourse is characterized by manipulative features in order to conduct a propaganda conflict, which is achieved using various linguistic units and methods, such as nominalization, euphemisms, precedent phenomena. The political discourse of the media has a huge impact on the formation of public opinion, which is done with the help of the above tools of speech manipulation. The article examines the features of manipulative technologies of political discourse. The severity of the problem of the manipulative potential of speech is determined by direct communication between the institutionalized addressee and the mass addressee, which takes place in the political discourse of the media. A brief analysis of the types of manipulation depending on the nature of information transformations is given, which determines the presence of specific features of the language of politics, as well as the use of special tools that contribute to the implementation of the main functions of political discourse. According to the author, the media are forming a new political reality in which manipulation technologies become a key instrument of political behaviour of the masses.

scholarly journals Latvian Migrants in Great Britain: ‘The Great Departure’, Transnational Identity and Long Distance Belonging

2019 ◽  
pp. 119-144
Author(s):  
Mārtiņš Kaprāns
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social

Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.

VOOR DE VORST, MAAR IN NAAM VAN HET VOLK

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Corné Smit
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People

FOR THE KING, BUT IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE How the conservative ‘Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage’ developed its populist traits The Dutch conservatives in the nineteenth century used the concept of volkskoning (the people’s king) to legitimize their defence of royal prerogatives against the increasing power of parliament. This concept emphasized the bond between monarch and people and depicted the political elite as a threat to both. Based on a study of the conservative newspaper Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage, this article argues that the idea of the volkskoning was developed into a more populist argument in which the people became the de facto sovereign who had to be protected against the rotten elite in parliament.

What Is a Consultative Referendum? The Democratic Legitimacy of Popular Consultations

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Carlo Invernizzi Accetti ◽  
Giulia Oskian
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Specific Role ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normative Significance ◽  
Empirical Point ◽  
Elected Representatives ◽  
Conceptual Work

We examine the democratic legitimacy of popular referendums asking whether they should be understood as bypassing or complementing representative institutions. To answer this question, we focus on the distinction between legislative referendums and consultative ones, noting that even though referendums of the latter kind are by far more prevalent from an empirical point of view, their specific role in democratic decision-making remains under-theorized in the existing literature. We therefore focus on consultative referendums as a possible way of reconciling the referendum procedure with representative democracy. First, we clarify the specific conception of representative democracy that underscores our study; second, we develop the idea that consultative referendums are to be understood to specify the political mandate of elected representatives; finally, we apply the results of this conceptual work to the case of the Greek bailout and the Brexit referendums, aiming to dispel some lingering misconceptions concerning the normative implications of their results and thereby clarifying the normative significance of our theory.

‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Smyth
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Sovereignty ◽  
Inferior Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And Ethnicity ◽  
Two Kingdoms

ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.

scholarly journals OD DEMOKRACJI PRZEDSTAWICIELSKIEJ DO DEMOKRACJI PRAWNICZEJ: KONSTYTUCJA STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH A EWOLUCJA USTROJOWA PAŃSTWA

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Lewicki
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Elected Representatives ◽  
The U.S

FROM REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY TO JUDICIAL DEMOCRACY: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM Summary The article discusses the process in which the judiciary branch has claimed and maintains its supremacy over the other two branches by practicing the extra-constitutional process of judicial review. Prior precedences under the British or colonial rule can hardly be claimed as they were established in a markedly different system in which the tripartite division of power was not as pronounced as it is under the U.S. Constitution. The real culprit is the U.S. Congress which refrains from making clear rules in controversial matters, such as abortion. The Supreme Court swiftly moved into the void to the point where the beliefs of nine nominated Justices outweigh the views of over five hundred elected representatives of the people, to wit: the flag burning controversy. While the learned opinions of nine learned and respected specialists should not be dismissed lightly, it is a far cry from the Founding Fathers’ intention if one person’s preferences can sway the nation’s political system, as is the case when the Court is divided between four liberals and four conservatives. However, lawyers are unlikely to give up the power they have usurped over time.

scholarly journals Catalan brinkmanship tool for political rivalry in Spain

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Weronika Górnicka
Keyword(s):  
Game Theory ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
National Level ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Game Of Chicken ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Rivalry

Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.

scholarly journals Card Index of Former Latvian SSR KGB Agents: Trauma and the Path to Public Reconciliation

2021 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Uldis Krēsliņš ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Formal Solution ◽  
Psychological Trauma ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Card Index ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
Witch Hunt

In August 1991, the Republic of Latvia took over the documents of the former Latvian SSR KGB, including the card index of KGB agents. At that time, by postponing the card index publication, the political authorities made the issue of former KGB agents a hostage of their political interests. Discussion on the fate of the card index continued in Latvian public sphere over the next 27 years. The stance of the political elite, which found support in some groups of society, was opposed to the publication of the card index, being concerned about a possible witch-hunt and psychological trauma of the people mentioned in the card index as well as their relatives. However, as a result of public pressure, after lengthy indecision, the card index was made public in December 2018. Unfortunately, the publication of the card index has offered only a formal solution to the issue of the former KGB agents, and the expected results have been achieved from the aspect of neither historical truth nor public reconciliation. Only a small number of people mentioned in the card index have admitted the fact of their cooperation and just a few have expressed public regret. In turn, after 27 years of political elite’s hesitancy, most of the KGB persecution victims accepted the publication of the card index in silence. However, it is clear that denial and silence are not the way to public reconciliation and comprehension of trauma. Those few attempts to make one’s experience public show that in today’s situation people can seek reconciliation only with themselves and within themselves.

scholarly journals The Bogor Regency Regional People's Representative Council's Legislative Function in the Preparation of Regional Regulations

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Syaiful Azhar ◽  
Mufidah Mufidah
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Data Sources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
The People ◽  
Executive Agency

The legislative function of the DPRD has not run smoothly, in some areas it is still experiencing various difficulties. Many Local Regulation Draft Initiatives (Raperda) come from the Regional Government as an executive agency. Meanwhile, the institution that enforces the aspirations of the community, the DPRD provides a lot of participation in the determination of the Perda. The purpose of the research is to study the implementation of the legislative function of the DPRD in Bogor City in 2013-2018. This research uses a qualitative method with literature approach. Data sources used in this study consisted of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials, policy considerations of the political elite in this case the Bogor City Council, books, journal of legal. The results of the research are the legislative function carried out by the Bogor City DPRD in accordance with Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government, which wrongly performs the legislative function that can capture the aspirations of the people in Bogor City, by receiving reports or complaints from the people of Bogor City the problem of dissatisfaction of a service. Although in its implementation is still not optimal because there are still obstacles in legislation.

scholarly journals Political Motives for the Plan for the Expansion of New Autonomous Regions in Papua

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238
Author(s):  
Dafrin Muksin ◽  
Sahrail Robo ◽  
Ahmad Rizali Pawane
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Systematic Framework

This study examines the political motives of the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua. This is because the expansion of new autonomous areas is not always purely for the welfare of the people but is very closely related to political interests, namely power, and position. This study used qualitative research methods. The data used in the form of secondary data was obtained through reputable media and documents in journals. Next, the data is sorted to form a systematic framework. To analyze the research data, Nvivo plus 12 was used. From the analysis, it was described, and a conclusion was drawn. The study results indicate that the political motives for the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua are very material-intensive, namely the interests of the political elite, both central and local, to obtain rewards, position, and power. There is a narrative in the ideological incentive motive that regional expansion is for the public interest, namely providing services, developing infrastructure, increasing human resources, and alleviating poverty. However, in reality, some of the ongoing divisions in Papua have not yet impacted the Papuan people.

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