FOUR. “Representing the Chinese Government”: Hong Kong Undercover in an Age of Self-Censorship

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-150
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Sung-Ju Kim ◽  
Helen Liu ◽  
Bok Gyo Jeong ◽  
Qihai Cai

The nonprofit sector in Hong Kong has developed under unique historical circumstances, including the introduction of the nonintervention policy by the British colonialism and the political transition to the Chinese government in 1997. These historical developments obviously had an impact on the development and expansion of the nonprofit sector within Hong Kong and the requisite qualifications for nonprofit employees that have been in a continuous state of flux. For example, during the 1960s, social work education in Hong Kong was developed through the influence of the professionalization movement in human service organizations, which encouraged the development of nonprofit education in Hong Kong. This study was undertaken to identify NPO/NGO degree programs at the university level in Hong Kong along with their curricula, finding 20 NPO/NGO degree programs within seven universities in Hong Kong including a total of 163 listed courses. The results show that NPO/NGO education programs in Hong Kong were developed based on an interdisciplinary perspective, that the programs highlight service provision and advocacy, while the Greater China regional contents, such as cultural, historical aspects of the Greater China, are reflected in the programs.


Author(s):  
Natalie Wong

China is one of the largest e-waste dumping sites in the world, and Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous territory in China, is also affected by illegal e-waste disposal and transfer. While the Chinese government implemented a waste import ban in January 2018, Hong Kong has not enforced Chinese policies under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Drawing on a policy network approach, this paper provides an explanatory framework for e-waste governance in Hong Kong and China, and identifies the major obstacles to shaping effective transboundary e-waste control and prevention. The paper argues that institutional arrangements play a dominant role in governing e-waste policy networks at the local level of governance in Hong Kong and China; however, a lack of accountability and capacity at the transboundary level can explain the different waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) management strategies in these two places.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kin Sun Chan ◽  
Yeung Fai Philip Siu

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the effectiveness of urban renewal policy by comparing urban renewal in Hong Kong with that undertaken in Macao. Design/methodology/approach – This study reviews the concepts of urban renewal in the two cities and examines related policies in Hong Kong and Macao. Findings – The study finds that the emphasis of urban renewal policy rests on the principles of self-financing, holistic planning and public-private partnerships. In order to deal with urban renewal issues, the Chinese Government has adopted a “People First, District-based, Public Participatory” approach based on public engagement and, to this end, it has introduced various measures, such as the District Urban Renewal Forum and the Urban Renewal Trust Fund. However, compared with Hong Kong, Macao’s efforts at urban renewal policies have been disjointed and piecemeal. Originality/value – The study adopts the principle of public management and compares the two cities’ urban policies to highlight the importance of both government leadership and public engagement for successful urban renewal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-294
Author(s):  
CHUNG-HIN KEVIN HO ◽  
HEI-HANG HAYES TANG

In this essay, Chung-Hin Kevin Ho, a history education university student in Hong Kong, narrates his search for civic identity. Composed through a process of critical and reflective dialogue with Hayes Tang, the essay describes the tension between Chung-Hin’s Chinese ethnic and cultural identity and the democratic values held by Hong Kongers. As a student, he and his peers had to navigate these competing conceptions of identity in their coursework and examinations. The youth of Hong Kong, including Chung-Hin, have protested against the Chinese government, and have fought to protect the values of Hong Kong. As a future educator, Chung-Hin has advice for the government administrations of both Hong Kong and China: work with Hong Kongers to help them “build their own house.” Chung-Hin argues that if Hong Kong is to become closer to China, it cannot be done through force or propaganda. Further, Chung-Hin contends that education initiatives that change the history curriculum of Hong Kong schools is not enough to bring the youth of the city to heel. Chung-Hin’s experiences, and his own understanding of history education in Hong Kong, have helped him see that the values of Hong Kongers need to be respected if there is any hope of gaining their trust and acceptance. In this timely essay, Chung-Hin highlights how government policies and historical legacies have shaped his personal experience and educational trajectory in Hong Kong, as well as the other students who are a part of the largest youth protest movement in recent memory.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum

From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”.


Author(s):  
Ling Yang ◽  
Jack W. Hou

Imported producer services play a vital role in the continued development of the industrialized economies. Countries like the U.S., UK, Japan, Germany, etc., utilize imported scientific research to help domestic manufacturing. Most developing nations are in the early stages of adopting this strategy, China is no exception. Among the four mega metropolitans (Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin and Chongqing) in China, Shanghai is the most advanced in the area of producer services; however, still lacking significantly behind Hong Kong and Singapore. The objective of this study is to examine whether imported producer services have been able to improve the manufacturing in Shanghai. We employ the input-output method to measure the effects of imported producer services on Shanghai manufacturing. Our findings are disappointing. Though Shanghai’s imported producer services continue to rise, the high-end knowledge-based producer services are severely lacking; and, to make matters worse, the trend is downwards and thus the gap with its advanced neighboring economies is ever widening. If Shanghai is to achieve the lofty goal of becoming an international financial service hub, there remains much work to be done. The Shanghai government, indeed the Chinese government, needs to take more conservative actions towards achieving this objective rather than just to pay lip service.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-311
Author(s):  
Rico Rico ◽  
Siti Fatimah ◽  
Muzahid Akbar Hayat

Hong Kong, one of the global financial centers, was plunged into chaos for almost two months straight from June to July 2019. For eight weeks, demonstrations by the Hong Kong people have been going on and on until they become violent. The demonstration was intended to deny the proposed extradition law, which would allow Hong Kong prisoners, including foreigners, to be extradited to China. The extradition bill is also called to threaten the freedom of local people, to threaten democracy and law in the Hong Kong region. The different political systems between China and Hong Kong make the relationship both vulnerable. As a special region in China, Hong Kong needs to get the attention of the Chinese government by conceding its rights and upholding its systems so that demonstrations need not be too worried. Hong Kong people are making a variety of attempts at demonstration and even some social communication strategies are used to reject the traditional bill. The method used in this study is qualitative deskriftive with case studies of direct observation of sites and several demonstration articles in Hong Kong. As a result of this study, several unique strategies of Hong Kong's demonstrations have been carried out to maintain a message being delivered by another group that the Hong Kong government has even brought attention to the world.


Author(s):  
Steve Tsang

Hong Kong entered its modern era when it became a British overseas territory in 1841. In its early years as a Crown Colony, it suffered from corruption and racial segregation but grew rapidly as a free port that supported trade with China. It took about two decades before Hong Kong established a genuinely independent judiciary and introduced the Cadet Scheme to select and train senior officials, which dramatically improved the quality of governance. Until the Pacific War (1941–1945), the colonial government focused its attention and resources on the small expatriate community and largely left the overwhelming majority of the population, the Chinese community, to manage themselves, through voluntary organizations such as the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. The 1940s was a watershed decade in Hong Kong’s history. The fall of Hong Kong and other European colonies to the Japanese at the start of the Pacific War shattered the myth of the superiority of white men and the invincibility of the British Empire. When the war ended the British realized that they could not restore the status quo ante. They thus put an end to racial segregation, removed the glass ceiling that prevented a Chinese person from becoming a Cadet or Administrative Officer or rising to become the Senior Member of the Legislative or the Executive Council, and looked into the possibility of introducing municipal self-government. The exploration into limited democratization ended as the second landmark event unfolded—the success of the Chinese Communist Party in taking control of China. This resulted in Hong Kong closing its borders with China on a long-term basis and the local Chinese population settling down in the colony, where it took on a direction of development distinctly different from that of mainland China. The large influx of refugees to Hong Kong in the late 1940s was transformed by a pragmatic colonial administration into a demographic bonus, as all were allowed to work freely and become part of the community. Those refugees, particularly from Shanghai, who arrived with capital, management knowhow and skills gave some industries, such as textile and shipping, a big boost. With the entrepreneurial spirit of the Chinese community unleashed and the colonial administration now devoting most of its resources to support them, Hong Kong became an industrial colony and developed increasingly strong servicing sectors. By the 1980s, local entrepreneurs had become so successful that they took over some of the well-established major British companies that had been pillars of the local economy for a century. As Hong Kong developed, it looked to the wider world—something originally necessitated by the imposition of trade embargos on China by the United States and the United Nations after the start of the Korean War in 1950—and eventually transformed itself into a global metropolis. In this process, the younger generations who grew up after the Sino-British border was closed developed a common identity that made them proud citizens of Hong Kong, and they became agents of change in reshaping how their parents’ generation felt about Hong Kong and China. The great transformation of postwar Hong Kong happened in the shadow of a dark cloud over its long-term future, which is a legacy from history. Hong Kong in fact consists of three parts: the island of Hong Kong, the tip of the Kowloon peninsula, and the New Territories, which amounts to 90 percent of the overall territory. The first two were ceded by China to Britain in perpetuity, but the New Territories was only leased in 1898 for a period of 99 years. As the three parts developed organically they could not be separated. During the Pacific War the nationalist government of China successfully secured an agreement from the British government that the future of the New Territories would be open to negotiation after the defeat of Japan. When victory came, the British recovered Hong Kong, and the Chinese government was distracted by the challenges posed by the Communist Party. After it won control of mainland China in 1949 the Communist government left Hong Kong alone, as it was a highly valuable opening for China to reach out beyond the Communist bloc during the Cold War. In 1979 the British raised the issue of the New Territories lease, as the remainder of the lease was getting too short for comfort. Formal negotiations started in 1982, and it took two years for an agreement to be reached. The British government ultimately agreed to hand over the entirety of Hong Kong as a going concern to China, which undertook to maintain the system and way of life there unchanged for fifty years. The transitional period saw controversies over democratic developments in Hong Kong, which were limited at China’s insistence. The formal handover went smoothly in 1997, and the colony became a Chinese Special Administrative Region. At first it appeared that Hong Kong enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, as promised by the Chinese government, but the scope for its autonomy was eroded gradually. The increase in interactions between the local people and the mainland Chinese, as well as the Chinese authorities’ refusal to let Hong Kong develop genuine democracy, nurtured a strong sense of Hong Kong identity, which started to transform into a kind of national identity that is different and distinct from that of China. By the mid-2010s this gave rise to a small but vocal movement that advocates independence.


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