scholarly journals The Public Broadcaster in Love with Commercials

Author(s):  
Gerald Pratley

Seldom does a day pass by without Canadian Broadcasting Corporation TV being mentioned, for one reason or the other, in the media or in political circles, either with unfavourable comments or occasionally, compliments. Great storms of fury arise over its administration, its policies and appointments, its programming and financial distress. It is harangued, it is laughed at, it is loyally defended by Ian Morrison and his Friends of Canadian Broadcasting. The government is blamed for decisions it has taken, and for measures it hasn't carried out, to benefit the CBC. But in these ceaseless debates, nothing is ever said, within the CBC or outside seemingly, among its viewers, about the greatest blight ever to settle over the CBC and this is the curse of commercials. Does this mean that to the CBC's entire staff and to its faithful "the CBC no matter what" supporters, this contentious subject is no longer...

Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Efriyandi Efriyandi ◽  
Anis Endang SM ◽  
Indria Indria

In this era of globalization, the need for information is fast becoming very important for society. With this speed, online media has become one of the mass media that has a lot of interests and readers. On the other hand, it also gave birth to business interest for capital owners to establish large online media such as more than one, making the practice of conglomeration. As in Vicent Mosco's theory the conglomeration is a merging of a media company into a larger company that is in charge of the media. Ultimately, it also had an impact on reporting to the public and evidenced by conducting research on qualitative methods, namely by conducting interviews, observation and documentation with Miles model analysis techniques to media owners as well as to online media reporters SMSI group. In-depth interviews with discussions that have been determined previously in order to obtain data on this study. From this practice that there is a lot of space played by media owners, one of whom occupies as the editor and as the leader of the media, then all practical policies are all determined by the editor of good news that will be covered by journalists in the field. Technically, all news has been conceptualized by the editor, such as issues that will become news. Issues raised provide opportunities for journalists or media owners to find income for companies, such as cooperation with the government or political figures and the news is one of the priorities of the conceptual media owner.


Author(s):  
Stylianos Papathanassopoulos

This chapter describes the structure and development of the media sector in Greece. It explores the relationship between media, political elites, and vested private interests. It examines the major features of the Greek media system, characterized by: a) low levels of newspaper circulation; b) a tradition of advocacy reporting; c) instrumentalization of privately owned media; d) tight governmental control of the public broadcaster; e) politicization of media regulation, and f) limited development of journalism as an autonomous profession. Furthermore, it argues that the Greek state has played a decisive role in the development of the media sector either as legislator, owner, or ‘sponsor’. Within this framework, it explores the closing-down and re-opening of the public broadcaster, the development of digital television in Greece, and the attempts of the government to grant licences to the TV sector. Finally, it discusses whether the Greek media landscape has entered a new era of ‘interplay’ between media owners and politicians in the digital age, while the citizens, especially the younger generations, have turned heavily to social media for their daily political information and commentary.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Neri Widya Ramailis ◽  
Dede Nopendri

Discourse is a series of sentences that relate and connect one proposition with the other propositions to from a unity. The main function of the news is not to warn, instruct, and make the public stunned, the main function of the news is to inform and then it is upto the public to utilize the news. There are two ways for the news to be useful to the public, the first to effort news as general knowledge and the second to effort the news a tool of social control. E-Ktp corruption cases are one of the biggest corruption cases that occurered in Indonesia. Therefore, many mass media reported heavilly on E-Ktp corruption cases, one of which was the kompas.com. furthermore, to find out how the writer gets the source the writer gets the source of data and information the writer uses the criminology visual method and then analyzes it using criminology newsmaking theory. However, the results of this study illustrate that the aspect highlighted are those of actors suspected of being involved in E-Ktp corruption cases. Where the media only emphasizes one institution, namely the people’s representative council, even though in this case the involved parties are not only the legislature but case the involved parties are not only the legislature but also from various institutions such as the interior ministry, state-owned enterprises, and private entrepreneurs. In the aspect of media projection Kompas.com make the bulk of the news about E- Ktp corruption cases as news headline and a tranding topic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 652 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-221
Author(s):  
Anton Harber

Two decades of contestation over the nature and extent of transformation in the South African news media have left a sector different in substantive ways from the apartheid inheritance but still patchy in its capacity to fill the democratic ideal. Change came fast to a newly open broadcasting sector, but has faltered in recent years, particularly in a public broadcaster troubled by political interference and poor management. The potential of online media to provide much greater media access has been hindered by the cost of bandwidth. Community media has grown but struggled to survive financially. Print media has been aggressive in investigative exposé, but financial cutbacks have damaged routine daily coverage. In the face of this, the government has turned its attention to the print sector, demanding greater—but vaguely defined—transformation and threatened legislation. This has met strong resistance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Sarah Muchetwa ◽  
Ephraim Maruta ◽  
Hilda Jaka ◽  
Joyman Ruvado ◽  
Evans Chazireni

The paper reports findings from a study that explored health communication strategies employed by the media on the state of preparedness by the Zimbabwean government during the COVID 19 crisis by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Television (ZBC-TV). The study adopted secondary data analysis. Data were collected using secondary sources. The study was influenced by the framing theory. The study found out that ZBC-TV used songs, road shows, commercial ads, dramas, musical shows on reporting the pandemic. The archival documents also revealed that ZBC-TV have used periodical updates as health communication strategies to educate the public about COVID 19. ZBC-TV also used Facebook showing staff from the Office of the President and Cabinet receiving the Covid 19 vaccine at the same time applauding positive response from Harare Metropolitan Province as front line workers surpassed the target under the first phase of Covid-19 vaccine roll out plan. The study concluded that the health communication strategies employed by ZBC-TV have been effective in increasing the societal awareness about health issues. ZBC-TV managed to reach out to the masses using both the television and by making use of the new media communication technologies. However, press censorship has been a challenge in publishing information concerning COVID 19 as the media house is not allowed to publish anything that tarnishes the image of the government. It is based on such evidence that the study concludes that ZBC-TV at some point distorted information to paint the picture that the government is doing all it can to contain the spread of COVID 19 and ensuring the safety of the public. The study recommends that the ministry should ensure freedom of information publicity, in which media houses, including ZBC-TV is not controlled by any political party of government. The government should also privatise ZBC-TV so that it will be answerable to the public and not few government officials. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0895/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutiah Amini

<p>Pesat was a local newspaper in Semarang published in the 1940s during the late colonial era. The establishment of Pesat could not be separated from the couple of I.M. Sajoeti and S.K. Trimurti, the owners of the newspaper, who were best-known as activitists of Political Party and senior journalists in Semarang at that time. As a local newspaper, the content of this publication differed considerably from the other local newspaper which mostly focused on news and advertisements. Pesat continuously published some information that had not been addressed by the media anywhere before. Pesat published transparently on the problems of family life and household. In particular, Pesat pointed the problems of marriage which placed women in domestic area in which they were not permitted to speak about the problems they were facing to other people in the public domain. This meant that a matter concerning the life of household which was previously considered private space was now published as news available to newspaper readers.</p> <p>Keywords: Pesat, private, colonial, Semarang, Java.</p> <p> </p> <p>Pesat adalah sebuah koran lokal di Semarang yang diterbitkan pada 1940-an selama era kolonial akhir. Pembentukan Pesat tak lepas dari pasangan IM Sajoeti dan SK Trimurti, pemilik surat kabar, yang dikenal sebagai aktifis Partai Politik dan wartawan senior di Semarang pada waktu itu. Sebagai koran lokal, isi dari publikasi ini berbeda jauh dari koran lokal lainnya yang berfokus pada berita dan iklan. Pesat terus menerbitkan beberapa informasi yang belum ditangani oleh media manapun sebelumnya. Dalam publikasi mereka, Pesat dipublikasikan secara transparan pada kehidupan masalah keluarga dalam rumah tangga. Secara khusus, diangkat masalah seputar pernikahan yang menempatkan perempuan dalam ruang domestik dan perempuan tidak diperbolehkan untuk berbicara tentang masalah yang mereka hadapi kepada orang lain dalam domain publik. Ini berarti bahwa masalah yang berkenaan dengan kehidupan rumah tangga yang sebelumnya dianggap ruang pribadi yang ada di luar keluarga diizinkan untuk tahu tentang itu sekarang telah diterbitkan sebagai berita tersedia bagi pembaca surat kabar.</p> <p>Kata kunci: Pesat, pribadi, kolonial, Semarang, Jawa.</p> <p> </p>


Author(s):  
Justin Patch

The musical elements of political advertising change with the times. From songsters, contrafactum songs with lyrics that extoll one candidate or party and denigrate the other, to television and radio jingles and online ads, the aesthetics of the campaign mirror the media diet of the public. Early television ads imitated jingles of the day: They were simple, catchy, and repetitive. Both Eisenhower’s “Ike for President” and Kennedy’s “Kennedy” follow this mold. Johnson’s 1964 campaign breaks this mold with “Daisy,” an anti-Goldwater ad known for deploying the eerie sounds of nuclear war. Successive campaigns sought to use a similar recipe, employing cues from film scores and trailers to dictate the emotional content of the ad. Recently, online advertising has bloomed, including tribute videos and promotional spots made by citizens and submitted to the campaign, adding grassroots allure and authenticity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuhuan Zhou ◽  
Yi Wang

BACKGROUND During the COVID-19 outbreak, social media served as the main platform for information exchange, through which the Chinese government, media and public would spread information. At the same time, a variety of emotions interweave, and the public emotions would also be affected by the government and media. OBJECTIVE This study aims to investigate the types, trends and relationships of emotional diffusion in Chinese social media among the public, the government and the media under the pandemic of COVID-19 (December 30,2019, to July 1,2020) . METHODS In this paper, Python 3.7.0 and its data crawling framework Scrapy 1.5.1 are used to write a web crawler program to search for super topics related to COVID-19 on Sina Weibo platform of different keywords . Then, we used emotional lexicon to analyze the types and trends of the public, government and media emotions on social media. Finally cross-lagged regression was applied to build the relationships of different subjects’ emotions. RESULTS The highlights of our study are threefold: (1) The public, the government and the media mainly diffuse positive emotions during the COVID-19 pandemic in China; (2) Emotional diffusion shows a certain change over time, and negative emotions are obvious in the initial phase of the pandemic, with the development of the pandemic, positive emotions surpass negative emotions and remain stable. (3)The impact among the three main emotions with the period as the time point is weak, while the impact of emotion with the day as the time point is relatively obvious. The emotions of the public and the government impact each other, and the media emotions can guide the public emotions. CONCLUSIONS This is the first study of comparing pubic, government and media emotions on the social media during COVID-19 pandemic in China. The pubic, the government and the media mainly diffuse positive emotions during the pandemic. And the government and the media have better effect on short-term emotional guidance. Therefore, when the pandemic suddenly occurs, the government and the media should intervene in time to solve problems and conflicts and diffuse positive and neutral emotions. In this regard, the government and the media can play important roles through social media in the major outbreaks. At the theoretical level, this paper takes China's epidemic environment and social media as the background to provide one of the explanatory perspectives for the spread of emotions on social media. At the some time, because of this special background, it can provide comparison and reference for the research on internet emotions in other countries.


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