scholarly journals Restructuring state power in Sudan

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Tchie ◽  
Hamid E Ali

Developing post-conflict economic policies in Sudan remains a significant challenge for the Sudanese transitional government and the international community. This article argues that understanding the conflict, its costs and the progress made during the current peace agreement are essential for advancing policy reforms in Sudan. The Sudanese transitional government has attempted to implement reforms, but little progress has been made because the civilian elements operate outside of the existing state power. The previous regimes policies sustained conflict(s) through both passive and active enablement of the Sudanese security forces, which means that the restructuring of state power is essential to place Sudan on the right course towards sustained democracy. This article posits that addressing structural reforms in Sudan means establishing control over the economy, defense, and security sectors.

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 47-92

Some major crises, such as wars, may redraw the features of society with all its groups, ideologies and policies it adopts. In these few pages, we try to discuss objectively, not mixed with bias, some of the bright aspects in the city of Mosul after its liberation from the clutches of infidelity and extremism, starting from a scientific reference that distinguishes what was the situation in the city of Mosul during the days of ISIS terrorist gangs He explained the current situation after its liberation, assuming that the current situation is witnessing a kind of gradual improvement despite the state of anxiety experienced by the residents of Mosul, which may turn into a state of protest and revolution with a negative content if they are not compensated and return their societal status to what it was, if conditions and opportunities are not available For a new societal renaissance based on all partners in restoring stability to the city. This study, despite its simplicity, adheres to a scientific and methodological character, to determine some geographical, historical, and cultural dimensions characteristic of the city of Mosul in Iraq, and we referred to some hotbeds of tension and conflict, in addition to the factors of calm, dialogue and cooperation, up to the desired state of stability in which we were keen to clarify the role Social service as a scientific field specialized in achieving a state of security and stability in the local communities of post-conflict areas liberated from ISIS terrorism. The sensitivity of the topic, the severity of its complexity and the variability of the references of his analysis, may make the researcher confronting his study feel embarrassed, and therefore it is useful not to expose the causes of the fall of the city of Mosul to the hands of ISIS terrorist groups Notice that as we search in the present we do not dispense with history, and as we stress the importance of security and stability, we do not have the right to neglect the national sacrifices of the men of the security forces and the popular crowd, recalling the fact that these sacrifices are not a temporary, contingent structure, or a fabricated formation that can be easily overcome. A national historical position, with whom Holiness is a measure of faith, but at the same time and in response to those sacrifices and efforts to liberate the city of Mosul and eliminate the so-called terrorist ISIS, as much as it contains the tenacity and persistence of liberation, there is a measure of the possibility of dissociation, dissipation and loss. The matter depends on many factors, foremost among which is the availability of a collective sense of belonging to a national and spatial space, with all its history, memory, experiences, and common interests, a place called: a homeland, a national status called: loyalty and belonging, and a governmental action called: ages and concern. Keywords: Refraction and refraction


Author(s):  
Ayokunu Adedokun

With the heavy involvement of the United Nations (UN) and the international community, the Rome General Peace Agreement of 1992 ended more than 16 years of civil war in Mozambique. The peace agreement and post-conflict initiatives by the international community was successful in transforming the Mozambique National Resistance
(Renamo) from a rebel group into a viable political party. Key components of the United Nations and the broader international community success in negotiating peace and creating conditions for political stability and democracy in Mozambique were (a) the provision of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) before democratisation, (b) decentralization of humanitarian and relief efforts to provincial and district levels, (c) provision of financial support directly for the development of political parties, and (d) budget support to sectors relevant to peacebuilding. Though imperfect, Mozambique remains an important case study in how the UN and international community can help in post-conflict environments. Thus, the paper argues that success in peacebuilding operations depends on credible and impartial international support through the UN, as opposed to peacebuilding operations through the United States of America or Russia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 247-284
Author(s):  
م.د.فاتن محمد رزاق

The concept of tolerance is gaining its importance in the midst of an international society suffering from violence, wars and internal and international crises. It is practiced by extremist and extremist forces and movements acting in the name of religion to exclude the different Muslim and non-Muslim people according to the unethical practices and methodologies of Islamic law and reality. , Cultural, civilization .. that distinguish our world today. The society today is suffering from the ideas of the intellectual and aesthetic views of the different ideologically, ethnically, culturally and religiously in the world of the South. This is what the end-of-history thesis of Fukuyama and the clash of civilizations represented to Huntington. Therefore, it is necessary to confront these extremist and extremist ideas and behaviors. Peace, security and freedom in the international community of justice and equality, needs to be addressed intellectual, cultural, moral and political before they are legal, these treatments are based on dialogue and cooperation and trust and respect and mutual recognition and tolerance so we find the importance of tolerance to The international community is concerned about the need for mechanisms that confront terrorism and violence with an ideology based on respect for the right of diversity, diversity and pluralism. Accordingly, tolerance is a political, cultural and moral necessity based on international legal foundations represented by the United Nations. Through its conferences, declarations and international resolutions issued by it and its specialized agencies, culminating in the Universal Declaration of Tolerance and the International Day of International Peace, and the political foundations represented by democracy and global citizenship that respects all identities and seeks to respect the rights of other identities under the umbrella of international identity Nsanhuahdh respects everyone, a society with a humanitarian goal of a global civil and Ahdlaaaraf borders and the identity of certain Qomahdolh, cultural and educational foundations through plans and programs with educational encourage a spirit of tolerance and world peace. The study was divided into three topics: the first dealt with the concept of tolerance and world peace, and the second topic dealt with the impact of international law and citizenship. In the promotion of world peace "as one of the elements of global tolerance. The last topic included" the role of democracy and education education "in the promotion of world peace and concluded the study by conclusion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina

In this paper, there will be analyzed the determinants of the inter-ethnic conflict that occurred in the Fergana Valley in the Kyrgyz city of Osh in June 2010. In such a phenomenon as an inter-ethnic conflict, it is rather difficult to find out a single cause of events; it is rather a set of economic, social, demographic, cultural and historical factors that are in a particular political context. And by the summer of 2010 a political context was formed: as a result of the April coup, there was a change of elites in the state power, which led to the struggle for the redistribution of economic power and resources. And in the conditions of connections of power and economic structures with the criminals, that was clearly manifested in the country on the eve of the conflict, the contradictions became ethnic. Despite the fact that this ethnic conflict was the result of objective contradictions caused by lack of resources (primarily land), low living standards, demographic and social problems, namely the change of political power in the country, instability, the struggle of criminal and mafia structures for power and influence became the trigger mechanisms that produced violence. There are various versions claiming to explain the events of June 2010, as well as to evaluate the actions of official structures during the conflict. Thus, the Uzbek side claimed that the security forces were inactive, ignored the attacks, in turn, the official authorities argued that the conflict was aggravated by unknown, allegedly foreign mercenaries, besides the Kyrgyz side referred to the police’s unwillingness to such events in the first days of the conflict. Therefore, an analysis of the causes of interethnic conflict in Osh will make it possible to identify the main vectors of instability in society, to identify the main actors to which measures of state influence should be directed in order to prevent possible relapses.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cekli Setya Pratiwi ◽  
Sidik Sunaryo

Abstract Blasphemy law (BL) has become a central issue for the international community in various parts of the world in the last three decades. In almost every case involving the BL, especially in Muslim countries, such as Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia, they are always responded with violence or threats of attack that cause many victims, loss of homes, damage to places of worship, evictions, stigma of being heretical, severe punishments, or extra-judicial killings. When international human rights law (IHLR) and declaration of the right to peace are adopted by the international community, at the same time, the number of violence related to the application of BL continues to increase. This paper aims to examine the ambiguity of the concept of the BL in Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and how its lead to the weak of enforcement that creates social injustice and inequality. Then, referring to Galtung’s theory of structural violence and other experts of peace studies, this paper argues that blasphemy law should be included as a form of structural violence. Therefore its challenges these States to reform their BL in which its provisions accommodate the state’s neutrality and content high legal standards. Thus, through guarantee the fully enjoyment of human rights for everyone may support the States to achieve sustainable peace.


1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Geoff Gilbert

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 469
Author(s):  
Fitri Yanti ◽  
Eni Amaliah

Abstrak: This study discusses the Post-Conflict of South Lampung, seeing that the more frequent and easy our people explode with anger without being accompanied by ratios and common sense, so that anger is resolved in an anarchist manner in the form of murder, destruction and even massacre. Moral destructive events and even the dimensions of ethnicity, religion and culture should not be repeated again, it is feared that the Indonesian people will become a sick society that does not prioritize peace and mutual interests and the sick community because this country is increasingly populated by citizens with bad images that are not civilized society. The author uses a qualitative design of sampling. This paper presents alternatives in building a process of post-conflict social communication to build tolerance, inclusiveness and respect for plurality and communicative dialogue between people by creating harmonious relations between religious communities with approaches to strengthening noble values that are packaged with local government policies by giving authority to legal apparatus for violations that occur and facilitate cultural and community leaders in the context of the conflict space peace agreement to the lower community so that the community can maintain and maintain plurality by being able to live side by side.الملخص: بحثت هذه الدراسة في الوضع بعد الصراع في لامبونج الجنوبية، نظرا إلى سهولة وسرعة نشوء غضب المجتمع وتكرّر وقوعه دون أن يشاركه تفكير سليم صحيح منهم، حتى أدى هذا الغضب إلى اتخاذ أسلوب العنف – في التغلب عليه – كالقتل والتدمير بل وقتل الناس. والمفروض أن لا تقع هذه الوقائع المفسدة للأخلاق ثانية، بل ويدخل فيها بعد القبيلة، والدين والثقافة . وخِيف أن يكون المجتمع الأندونيسي مجتمعا مريضا لا يهتم بالأمن والسلامة والشؤون الجماعية، ويكون مريضا لكثرة المواطنين المتّسمين بسيمة سيّئة (مجتمع غير مدني). استخدم الباحث في هذا البحث المنهج الكيفي وأخذ العيّنة. حاولت هذه الدراسة عرض الاختيارات في بناء التواصل الإجتماعي بعد النزاع وهي بثّ روح التسامح، والانفتاح، والاعتبار  بوجود التعددية  واستمرارية بناء التواصل بين الأمم أو المجتمعات على أساس التراحم فيما بينهم بمدخل تقوية القيم الكريمة في ضوء قرارات الحكومة المحلية بإعطاء السلطة لرجال القضاء على جميع أشكال انتهاك القانون  وتوظيف رجال الثقافة والمجتمع في سياق اتفاق السلام حتى المجتمع عامة كي يحافظوا على التعدّدية ويعيشوا آمنين فيما بينهم.Abstrakt: Kajian ini membahas tentang Pasca Konflik Lampung Selatan, melihat semakin sering dan mudahnya masyarakat kita meledak amarahnya tanpa diiringi dengan rasio dan akal sehat, sehingga amarah tersebut diselesaikan dengan cara anarkis yang berupa pembunuhan, perusakan bahkan pembantaian. Seharusnya kejadian-kejadian yang merusak moral bahkan membawa dimensi suku, agama dan budaya ini tidak terulang kembali justru dikhawatirkan masyarakat Indonesia menjadi masyarakat sakit yang tidak mengedepankan kedamaian dan kepentingan bersama serta masyarakat sakit karena negeri ini semakin banyak dihuni oleh warga dengan citra buruk yang tidak civilized society. Penulis menggunakan rancangan kualitatif pengambilan sampel. Tulisan ini memaparkan alternatif dalam membangun proses komunikasi social pasca konflik membangun sikap toleran, inklusif dan menghargai pluralitas serta komunikatif melakukan dialog antar umat yaitu dengan menciptakan keharmonisan hubungan antar umat beragama dengan pendekatan penguatan nilai-nilai luhur yang dikemas dengan kebijakan pemerintah setempat dengan memberikan kewenangan kepada para aparat hukum atas pelanggaran yang terjadi dan memfasilitasi tokoh-tokoh budaya dan masyarakat pada konteks ruang konflik kesepakatan damai hingga masyarakat bawah sehingga masyarakat dapat menjaga dan merawat kemajemukan dengan bisa hidup berdampingan.


Obiter ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Abrahams ◽  
Tayla Dye

This article follows a previous article published in Obiter Vol 2 of 2016. In that article the concept of jus cogens and its role in the international community, together with the nature of the right to religion, were discussed. In Part Two, the seriousness of such human rights violations needs to be appreciated by the international community at large. To this end, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will serve as a case study, examining the extent of the DPRK’s compliance of its obligations vis-à-vis the right to religion. This should ultimately lead to an understanding as to why the right to religion emerging as a jus cogens norm will not solve the problem of enforcement, and even if it could, due to the uncertainty surrounding the formation of jus cogens it is unlikely that other human rights will be added to the list in the near future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (S1-Dec2020) ◽  
pp. 34-36
Author(s):  
Anu Chandran ◽  
P Nagaraj

Peace education is an emerging field of study that has attained full acceptance in many countries, and is on its way towards development in many other parts of the world. The world is becoming more of an unsafe place to live in. There are threats in many forms against survival. Peace has become devoid in the day to day lives of people in all spheres of society, culture, politics and economics. Therefore it is essential to impart knowledge about peace and reconciliation post conflict, as that would help build a nonviolent approach towards conflict, and encourage to develop skills and values promoting reconciliation, and nonviolence. Once the right knowledge, skills and values are transmitted, transformation begins as people understand the root cause of conflicts and explore ways to address the challenges. Peace education is both educating on the peace content as well as educating for peace. The paper discusses the objectives of peace education and how it can be implemented as an effectualacademic discourse either by integrating it within the curriculum or through extramural activities. It also looks into the challenges and possibilities of a higher learning that shapes the mind and spirit of the learners as much as their intellect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Dardan Vuniqi

State is society’s need for the existence of an organized power, equipped with the right equipments of coercion and able to run the society, by imposing the choices that seem reasonable to them, through legal norms. State is an organization of state power; it is an organized power which imposes its will to all the society and has a whole mechanism to execute this will. The state realizes its functions through power, which is a mechanism to accomplish its relevant functions. The power’s concept is a social concept, which can be understood only as a relation between two subjects, between two wills. Power is the ability to impose an order, a rule and other’s behavior in case that he doesn’t apply voluntary the relevant norm, respectively the right. Using state power is related to creation and application, respectively the implementation of law. To understand state power better, we have to start from its overall character. So, we notice that in practice we encounter different kinds of powers: the family’s one, the school’s one, the health’s one, the religion’s, culture’s etc. The notion of powers can be understood as a report between two subjects, two wills. Power is an order for other’s behavior. Every power is some kind of liability, dependence from others. In the legal aspect, supremacy of state presents the constitutive – legislative form upon the powers that follow after it. Supremacy, respectively the prevalence, is stronger upon other powers in its territory. For example we take the highest state body, the parliament as a legislative body, where all other powers that come after it, like the executive and court’s one, are dependable on state’s central power. We can’t avoid the carriage of state’s sovereignty in the competences of different international organizations. Republic, based on ratified agreements for certain cases can overstep state’s power on international organizations. The people legitimate power and its bodies, by giving their votes for a mandate of governance (people’s verdict). It is true that we understand people’s sovereignty only as a quality of people, where with the word people we understand the entirety of citizens that live in a state. The sovereignty’s case actualizes especially to prove people’s right for self-determination until the disconnection that can be seen as national – state sovereignty. National sovereignty is the right of a nation for self-determination. Sovereignty’s cease happens when the monopoly of physical strength ceases as well, and this monopoly is won by another organization. A state can be ceased with the voluntary union of two or more states in a mutual state, or a state can be ceased from a federative state, where federal units win their independence. In this context we have to do with former USSR’s units, separated in some independent states, like Czechoslovakia unit that was separated in two independent states: in Czech Republic and Slovakia. Former Yugoslavia was separated from eight federal units, today from these federal units seven of them have won their independence and their international recognition, and the Republic of Kosovo is one amongst them. Every state power’s activity has legal effect inside the borders of a certain territory and inside this territory the people come under the relevant state’s power. Territorial expansion of state power is three dimensional. The first dimension includes the land inside a state’s borders, the second dimension includes the airspace upon the land and the third dimension includes water space. The airspace upon inside territorial waters is also a power upon people and the power is not universal, meaning that it doesn’t include all mankind. State territory is the space that’s under state’s sovereignty. It is an essential element for its existence. According to the author Juaraj Andrassy, state territory lies in land and water space inside the borders, land and water under this space and the air upon it. Coastal waters and air are considered as parts that belong to land area, because in every case they share her destiny. Exceptionally, according to the international right or international treaties, it is possible that in one certain state’s territory another state’s power can be used. In this case we have to do with the extraterritoriality of state power. The state extraterritoriality’s institute is connected to the concept of another state’s territory, where we have to do with diplomatic representatives of a foreign country, where in the buildings of these diplomatic representatives, the power of the current state is not used. These buildings, according to the international right, the diplomatic right, have territorial immunity and the relevant host state bodies don’t have any power. Regarding to inviolability, respectively within this case, we have two groups to mention: the real immunity and the personal immunity, which are connected with the extraterritoriality’s institute. Key words: Independence, Sovereignty, Preponderance, Prevalence, Territorial Expansion.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document