scholarly journals The Attempts of the Mazepian Emigration to involve the Crimean Question into the International Policy of French Kingdom in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-44
Author(s):  
Heorhii Potulnytskyi ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
King Of France ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
Louis Xv

Being at the political and diplomatic service of King of France Louis XV for more than three decades (from 1729 to 1759) Hryhor Orlyk, the son of the Ukrainian Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, was committed to furthering the cause of his father. Traditionally, in the context of the political tasks of the French kingdom, he addressed, on the one hand, the incorporation of the Cossack factor into the foreign policy of the Versailles Cabinet, and, on the other hand, the Crimean question. At every stage of his diplomatic service, which we have distinguished (the 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s respectively), the Hetman’s son set different tasks to resolve the Crimean issue and, accordingly, tried to implement them. Through his consistent, permanent, and persistent actions, Hryhor Orlyk contributed to the traditional matter of Hetman’s Ukraine integration into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, along with the Cossack and Crimean factors. In the 1750s, one of the last representatives of the Mazepian emigration Fedir Myrovych and Fedir Nakhymovskyi joined the corps of Orlyk’s son Hryhor. They became his effective assistants in the matter of political and legal recognition of the Cossack factor as one of the dominant foreign policy activities of the Versailles Cabinet by the French political elite. Being in Crimea in the 1750s, Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi acted as special emissaries of the Versailles Cabinet maintaining contacts with it directly through Hryhor Orlyk. They contributed in every way to the policy of the kingdom in Crimea in connection with the activation of the Cossack factor there. Old Mazepa’s supporters assisted the Hetman’s son in the implementation of the military and political cooperation between France and Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, but they also attempted to explain the essence of Russian policy aimed at terminating the independence of the Kosh both to the Khan and to Zaporozhian Cossacks in Crimea. The author concludes that as the envoy of the French Crown in Crimea, Hryhor Orlyk made the last attempt to involve the Crimean Khanate to the problems related to the restoration of the Cossack statehood solving the Crimean-Cossack problem, which had been consistent since the sixteenth century. All Mazepa supporters by conducting their activities in Crimea not only contributed to raising the issue of integrating the Cossack factor as an integral part into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, but also helped to legitimize and substantiate the latter in the concept of involving Turkey and the Crimean Khanate into the struggle for Ukraine’s liberation from Russian domination

scholarly journals Transformation of the Political Discourse of the Ukrainian Elite in the Context of Competition between the Russian Federation and the West: 2004–2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-103
Author(s):  
D. I. Yefremov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The One

The article establishes the relationship between the interests of the Ukrainian establishment and the foreign policy vector of Kyiv. The author identified the main actors who determined the specifics of the transformation of the strategic course of Ukraine. On the one hand, the author revealed the critical problems of European integration and on the other hand, the improvement/ degradation of relations with the Russian Federation. The author evaluated the strategic doctrines used by the Ukrainian elite and analysed main changes in the approaches of the Ukrainian establishment. This article considers the reaction of Russian and Ukrainian political elites to the correction of the foreign policy imperatives of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, respectively. Also, the author, using the theory of the “heavy” and “light” fractions of Ukrainian political elites as an example, identifies specific features of the correlation between the replacement/renewal of key elite groups and the adaptation of the strategic vector, including a qualitative rethinking of the approaches inherent in the replaced establishment. On the other hand, the author compared between the declared positions/slogans and specific doctrines/concepts, initiated, for example, by individual actors of the political elite. The author analyses the main reasons for the soft dismantling of the so-called multi-vector diplomacy in favour of the Euro-Atlantic course. Also, in the article, concerning the realities of Ukraine, the influence of the political model of “shapeless pluralism” of hybrid regimes on the transformation of the foreign policy’ agenda.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE CADET PARTY

2021 ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Petr P. Tikhonov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
International Authority ◽  
The One

This article raises the problem of the international activities of the Cadet Party from 1906 to 1917. During this period, the Cadets were at the head of the foreign policy activities of the State Duma from the first to the fourth convocations. Firstly, the reason is that the cadets had a developed network of personal and professional contacts with Western politicians and journalists; secondly, they formulated their own vision of foreign policy, and were also ideologically close to the political elite of England and France. The Cadet Party used its international authority in two directions: on the one hand, this increased the party’s authority within the Russian society; on the other hand, Russia was drawing closer to its allies in the Entente. In this rapprochement, it is not so much the geopolitical aspect that is important as the establishment of horizontal ties between the societies of these countries, which allows building long-term friendly relations. This was the main feature of the activities of the Cadets – they did not have government powers, their activities did not lead to the conclusion of agreements, but it influenced public opinion both in Russia and abroad.

Acceptance of Swedish Protection by J. Radziwill in 1655: Contemporaries’ Assessments and Hetman’ Motives

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (6) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Juga ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Effective Means ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Military Threat ◽  
The Face ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

The article highlights the perception and assessments of contemporaries of the Grand Hetman of Lithuania Janusz Radziwill's acceptance of Swedish protection in 1655 and examines the reasons for such a step by the Hetman through the prism of his own vision and understanding of the then difficult situation of the principality and ways out. It is determined that after the attack of Swedish troops on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the summer of 1655, the situation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania deteriorated sharply, as its territory became the epicenter of military confrontation (at the same time the war with the Moscow state). In such a situation, J. Radziwill and part of the political elite considered the adoption of Swedish protection to be an effective means of saving the principality. It is established that his step provoked the accusation of contemporaries of betraying the Commonwealth and King Jan Casimir. It was found that the important reason for J. Radziwill's acceptance of Swedish protection was the lack of support from Warsaw in the face of a military threat to the principality from Sweden and Muscovy, and thus the impossibility of fighting them at the same time. The factor that prompted the hetman to take such a step was the capture of Vilna by Russian troops and the capitulation of the crown army near Uyscem in late July 1655. On the one hand, Lithuania's acceptance of the protection of the Swedish monarch threatened the integrity of the Commonwealth, which according to the results of the Union of Lublin in 1569 was proclaimed a state of two components – the Crown and Lithuania. However, on the other hand, given the fact that Lithuania was left alone with the military aggression of Muscovy and Sweden, it was an attempt to save the principality and strengthen its political influence.

Protectionist Empire: Trade, Tariffs, and United States Foreign Policy, 1890–1914

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
International Economic Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The One

Between 1890 and 1914, the United States acquired overseas colonies, built a battleship fleet, and intervened increasingly often in Latin America and East Asia. This activism is often seen as the precursor to the country's role as a superpower after 1945 but actually served very different goals. In contrast to its pursuit of a relatively liberal international economic order after 1945, the United States remained committed to trade protection before 1914. Protectionism had several important consequences for American foreign policy on both economic and security issues. It led to a focus on less developed areas of the world that would not export manufactured goods to the United States instead of on wealthier European markets. It limited the tactics available for promoting American exports, forcing policymakers to seek exclusive bilateral agreements or unilateral concessions from trading partners instead of multilateral arrangements. It inhibited political cooperation with other major powers and implied an aggressive posture toward these states. The differences between this foreign policy and the one the United States adopted after 1945 underscore the critical importance not just of the search for overseas markets but also of efforts to protect the domestic market.

Is Democracy Possible in Thailand?

2015 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
Traditional Elite ◽  
The Military

The political development of Thailand in XXIth century is characterized by a deep split of the society into opponents and supporters of democratization. The latter are consolidated around the figure of Taksin Sinavatra, the former prime minister. He was overthrown by the military in 2006, but still enjoys the support of the popular majority he gained due to his economic policy aimed at improving the life conditions of the poor in periphery regions. The triumph of his parties in elections since 2001 caused the new power balance in politics traditionally viewed as a focal area of the political establishment – the representatives of the Bangkok upper and middle classes only. The marginalization of their position in the political system and the impossibility of coming to power through elections determined their integration into the anti-government movement, for the purpose of cancelling the representative democracy system that doesn’t meet the interests of the traditional political elite finding itself in a “minority” and unwilling to be under the reign of a “majority”. The deepening of the political crisis provoked the military into undertaking the coup d’état in May 2014 and establishing an authoritarian regime, which ensured the accrescency of power for the traditional elite. Nevertheless, as the author concludes, the future political development of Thailand seems unclear. The power of military in cooperation with their civilian followers is unlikely to reconcile the society, split by class differences and political aspirations. The contemporary political development of Thailand reflects the situation when the “populace” doesn’t want just to remain under control any longer, and the “upper strata” refuses to be under the rule of the electoral majority. The main question raised today is not of the Taksin's destiny, but of an alternative for the Thailand's future political development – restricted democracy directed by upper classes, or representative democracy.

Tyranny and Usurpation

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doyeeta Majumder
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Plays ◽  
Elizabethan Drama ◽  
Political Drama ◽  
English Stage ◽  
The One ◽  
Tragic Drama ◽  
Law Making

This book examines the fraught relationship between the sixteenth-century formulations of the theories of sovereign violence, tyranny and usurpation and the manifestations of these ideas on the contemporary English stage. It will attempt to trace an evolution of the poetics of English and Scottish political drama through the early, middle, and late decades of the sixteenth-century in conjunction with developments in the political thought of the century, linking theatre and politics through the representations of the problematic figure of the usurper or, in Machiavellian terms, the ‘New Prince’. While the early Tudor morality plays are concerned with the legitimate monarch who becomes a tyrant, the later historical and tragic drama of the century foregrounds the figure of the illegitimate monarch who is a tyrant by default. On the one hand the sudden proliferation of usurpation plots in Elizabethan drama and the transition from the legitimate tyrant to the usurper tyrant is linked to the dramaturgical shift from the allegorical morality play tradition to later history plays and tragedies, and on the other it is reflective of a poetic turn in political thought which impelled political writers to conceive of the state and sovereignty as a product of human ‘poiesis’, independent of transcendental legitimization. The poetics of political drama and the emergence of the idea of ‘poiesis’ in the political context merge in the figure of the nuove principe: the prince without dynastic claims who creates his sovereignty by dint of his own ‘virtu’ and through an act of law-making violence.

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Water Sharing ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

Profitable inefficiency: the politics of port infrastructure in Mombasa, Kenya

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Hugh Lamarque
Keyword(s):  
Dynamic Interaction ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Physical Infrastructure ◽  
Key Sites ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The One ◽  
Port Infrastructure ◽  
Dry Ports ◽  
Political Settlement

AbstractThis article examines the distribution of power among public, private and criminal interests invested in Mombasa port. It approaches Kenya as a gatekeeper state, in which national elites compete to control the country's points of interaction with the rest of the world. Mombasa's controversial private dry ports are used to highlight (1) how the opportunity to profit from inefficiencies in container storage has been distributed among the political elite, and (2) how the development of the country's principal seaport not only reflects Kenya's underlying political settlements, but is one of the key sites in which those settlements are tested and reshaped. The case exposes a dynamic interaction between Kenya's shifting political settlement on the one hand, and the gate itself – Mombasa port's physical infrastructure and regulations – on the other.

Papal Efforts Toward Protestant Representation at Trent

1948 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Kuttner
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sacramental Theology ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Council Of Trent ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
The One ◽  
The Catholic Church

It is not within the purpose of this paper to appraise the historical significance which the Council of Trent held for the consolidation of Catholic doctrine on all the points of dogmatic and sacramental theology that had been put into question by the religious innovators. Nor shall we examine the role which its measures of canonical legislation played in the great process of spiritual and disciplinary renewal which eventually determined the position of the Catholic Church in the modern world. We propose rather to turn our attention to the great goal which the Council did not reach: the restoration of the one Respublica Christiana, of the Catholic unity which prior to the sixteenth century had been the only conceivable form of Christian religious existence. To the eye of the historian, it is true, the rift in Western Christendom appears quite obviously prepared by the developments of two centuries preceding Luther's challenge. The exile of Avignon; the great schism; the constitutional unrest of the conciliar epoch of Constance and Basel; the political realism by which Renaissance popes had sought above all to consolidate their position as Italian territorial rulers; the growth of the national states and national sovereignties; the ferment of humanistic ideologies—they all were alarming and distressing symptoms of the radical disintegration of mediaeval unity.

scholarly journals Missões militares, técnica e política: o emprego das forças armadas em segurança pública

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Policy Instrument ◽  
Current Paper ◽  
Public Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Word ◽  
The Military ◽  
South Americans

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.

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