scholarly journals 1991: at the Origin of Building Hungarian-Ukrainian Inter-State Relations

Author(s):  
Renata Paladi ◽  

On 31 May 1991, during the three-day visit of the leadership of the Ukrainian SSR to Budapest, there were signed nine documents, which ultimately were crucial for the development of Hungarian-Ukrainian bilateral relations. The working visit of the Ukrainian delegation, headed by the Speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament Leonid Kravchuk, was preceded by many months of intensive preparatory work on both sides. In this study, the author tries to give an overview of this process based on declassified archival documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Hungary and primarily referring to the Hungarian bibliography. At the beginning of the study, the author gives a brief description of the foreign policy goals of the Republic of Hungary to the Ukrainian SSR on the verge of the 90s. Then will be given a brief description of the content of the main meetings that were organized between the Hungarian and Ukrainian sides, as well as the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the mutual rapprochement of the two neighbouring states. Based on archival materials, the author pays special attention to issues that were of great importance in the development and regulation of Hungarian-Ukrainian bilateral relations, namely 1) the Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Cooperation, 2) the Declaration on National Minorities and 3) the Consular Convention. The paper concludes with a brief review and assessment of the visit of the Ukrainian delegation to Budapest in May-June 1991 and gives a summary of the content and the terms of all nine signed documents

2018 ◽  
pp. 393-400
Author(s):  
Ivan Hnatyshyn

The article is dedicated to relations between Ukraine and Moldova, taking pride of place in the foreign policy of Ukraine. This is due to a shared border, large ethnic community of Ukrainians in Moldova, similarity of foreign policy priorities, and development of mutually beneficial economic cooperation. Ukraine is an active stakeholder in the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict and has the status of a mediator. Ukraine seeks to develop mutually beneficial relations with the Republic of Moldova based upon respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both states. The bilateral cooperation of the two countries can be found in the spheres of environment, transport, energy, infrastructure, implementation of domestic reforms, and efficient struggle against corruption. An opening of a border bridge crossing for vehicles and prospective construction of a bridge are the steps enabling Ukraine and Moldova to enter the European transport network. An important upshot of the diplomatic activities is the consistent support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine by the Republic of Moldova. The external aggression notwithstanding, Ukraine continues to take proactive measures in the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict. The common origins of the latter and of the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation bring about the necessity to combine forces and form common approaches for their settlement as well as jointly counter regional threats and challenges. The protection of rights of national minorities is yet another important aspect of bilateral relations. Ukraine has an interest in a socially and politically stable Moldova with a prosperous economy able to follow its policy of integration to the EU. Keywords: The Republic of Moldova, policy on integration to the EU, territorial integrity, domestic reforms, corruption.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-35
Author(s):  
Giedrius Česnakas ◽  
Gerda Jakštaitė

The Activity Report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Lithuania for 2017 declares that Lithuania’s foreign policy is effective and claims that public opinion is the most important criteria for measuring its effectiveness. The article analyses Lithuania’s foreign public policy cycle, with the focus on its formation and evaluation peculiarities. It argues that the cycle of Lithuanian foreign public policy is stagnating since its evaluation stage lacks efficiency and misses critical evaluations. The lack of strategic documents does not allow defining core foreign policy goals and in this matter to evaluate their achievement. The ambiguous goals in lower level documents prevent critical evaluation because of political interests. Lithuanian foreign policy is the outcome of close cooperation between President’s Office and Ministry of Foreign Affairs which limits criticism between institutions. The Seimas provides greater criticism only when initiative is showed by the opposition. Foreign policy remains the sphere of responsibility of the political elite which has broad consensus and has differences in their views on a tactical level. Media and experts, for the most part, avoid critical evaluations of foreign policy as they want to remain in the dominating discourse and keep close contacts with state institutions. The current evaluation environment and tools are not sufficient to make changes at the agenda-setting stage of foreign policy. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.18.1.23125


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-189
Author(s):  
Karol Bieniek

Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a ‘neighbour,’ despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey’s general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the ‘middle power‘ paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.


Author(s):  
Clay Silver Katsky

While presidents have historically been the driving force behind foreign policy decision-making, Congress has used its constitutional authority to influence the process. The nation’s founders designed a system of checks and balances aimed at establishing a degree of equilibrium in foreign affairs powers. Though the president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and the country’s chief diplomat, Congress holds responsibility for declaring war and can also exert influence over foreign relations through its powers over taxation and appropriation, while the Senate possesses authority to approve or reject international agreements. This separation of powers compels the executive branch to work with Congress to achieve foreign policy goals, but it also sets up conflict over what policies best serve national interests and the appropriate balance between executive and legislative authority. Since the founding of the Republic, presidential power over foreign relations has accreted in fits and starts at the legislature’s expense. When core American interests have come under threat, legislators have undermined or surrendered their power by accepting presidents’ claims that defense of national interests required strong executive action. This trend peaked during the Cold War, when invocations of national security enabled the executive to amass unprecedented control over America’s foreign affairs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ambassador Abdusamat A. Khaydarov ◽  
Ambassador Surat M. Mirkasymov

This article is a brief overview of the main trends in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan under the new leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The sections on bilateral relations and interaction of Uzbekistan with international organisations give an important insight into the dynamics of a strategically important Central Asian region and Eurasia as a whole. The article also reflects Uzbekistan’s perception of Eurasia as a region that is experiencing several geopolitical shifts.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexey Komarov

The article examines the evolution of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes regarding Finland’s desire to position itself as a neutral country. Finland’s efforts to promote the idea of its neutrality became especially active after World War II. In this way the representatives of the Finnish political class tried to enhance their profile on the international arena and distance themselves from the military clauses of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual assistance signed by the USSR and Finland in 1948. Both in Moscow and Helsinki it was understood that neutrality can play the role of an important foreign policy instrument. The Finns tried to use this instrument to weaken Soviet influence on the country, to facilitate rapprochement with other Nordic countries and, ultimately, with the West as a whole. The Soviet leadership regarded these activities negatively. However, within the framework of general deconstruction of the foreign policy priorities’ system created by Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s predecessors, the Soviet side in 1989 finally and unconditionally recognized Finland’s neutrality. After the collapse of the USSR the Soviet-Finnish Treaty of 1948 was substituted by another document, namely the Treaty on the Foundations of Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland signed on January 20, 1992. During the elaboration of the new agreement the Russian side would have had no objection against recognizing Finland as a neutral state, but Helsinki, considering the transition from the bipolar system of international relations to the unipolar one, showed no interest to this.


Author(s):  
Novi Rizka Amalia

<p>Indonesia is one of the countries with the most Muslim population in Asia. But this does not change the idiotic foundation of Indonesia, namely Pancasila, which is the basis of how the nation and state are also useful for determining the Direction of Foreign Policy of the Republic of Indonesia. As social beings, humans cannot live alone in state relations, one country certainly needs a role and cooperation with other countries. Every collaboration will certainly have a positive impact. One of the positive results underlined in this study is about the development of HR (Human Resources) which can be done through various things. This study will discuss the benefits of international cooperation in improving the quality of human resources carried out by Islamic Boarding Schools, given the number of Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia. The benefits are imitated in terms of both language and non-academic abilities, the benefits will be useful for the installation process at the Islamic Boarding School.<strong></strong></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emphasis is placed on cooperation with the West, in particular, there is a strengthening not only in the framework of doctrinal cooperation with NATO and the EU, but also constant contacts on all political, economic and military lines. In addition, the leadership of Azerbaijan pays special attention to the problem of Nagorno‑Karabakh. The article also shows that the fundamental documents that determine the external state agenda, although they are sufficiently Westernoriented, at the same time reflect the ambition of Azerbaijan in the context of becoming a regional center of power. This process is also influenced by external actors, in particular the Republic of Turkey. It was determined that the territorial issue, logistic and military issues, regional and global political trends are indicators, thanks to which one can observe the transformation of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In the context of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, it was revealed that the interaction between the countries seems significant for both states in terms of ensuring security in the South Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Mikalai M. Miazga

The article aims to show the role of Western Belarus in the Soviet-Polish relations in 1939–1941. It is revealed that for both the USSR and Poland the Belarusian question had no independent value, and was part of the policy of each of these states, aimed at achieving broader foreign policy goals. For the Soviet leadership, it was a struggle to revise the order of things that was established in Eastern Europe within the framework of the Versailles-Riga system of international relations. This policy assumed the inclusion of Western Belarus in the Soviet state. For Poland, the possession of Western Belarus was one of the most important conditions for achieving great power status, without which it was difficult to resist the Russian-German «geopolitical grip». The outcome of the struggle between the USSR and Poland for the territory of Western Belarus was inextricably connected with the collapse of the Versailles system, which made it possible to reunite Western Belarus with the BSSR.


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