Thirty years of relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Serbia: Changing political and international dynamics

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-189
Author(s):  
Karol Bieniek

Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a ‘neighbour,’ despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey’s general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the ‘middle power‘ paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emphasis is placed on cooperation with the West, in particular, there is a strengthening not only in the framework of doctrinal cooperation with NATO and the EU, but also constant contacts on all political, economic and military lines. In addition, the leadership of Azerbaijan pays special attention to the problem of Nagorno‑Karabakh. The article also shows that the fundamental documents that determine the external state agenda, although they are sufficiently Westernoriented, at the same time reflect the ambition of Azerbaijan in the context of becoming a regional center of power. This process is also influenced by external actors, in particular the Republic of Turkey. It was determined that the territorial issue, logistic and military issues, regional and global political trends are indicators, thanks to which one can observe the transformation of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In the context of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, it was revealed that the interaction between the countries seems significant for both states in terms of ensuring security in the South Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Renata Paladi ◽  

On 31 May 1991, during the three-day visit of the leadership of the Ukrainian SSR to Budapest, there were signed nine documents, which ultimately were crucial for the development of Hungarian-Ukrainian bilateral relations. The working visit of the Ukrainian delegation, headed by the Speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament Leonid Kravchuk, was preceded by many months of intensive preparatory work on both sides. In this study, the author tries to give an overview of this process based on declassified archival documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Hungary and primarily referring to the Hungarian bibliography. At the beginning of the study, the author gives a brief description of the foreign policy goals of the Republic of Hungary to the Ukrainian SSR on the verge of the 90s. Then will be given a brief description of the content of the main meetings that were organized between the Hungarian and Ukrainian sides, as well as the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the mutual rapprochement of the two neighbouring states. Based on archival materials, the author pays special attention to issues that were of great importance in the development and regulation of Hungarian-Ukrainian bilateral relations, namely 1) the Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Cooperation, 2) the Declaration on National Minorities and 3) the Consular Convention. The paper concludes with a brief review and assessment of the visit of the Ukrainian delegation to Budapest in May-June 1991 and gives a summary of the content and the terms of all nine signed documents


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
Vladimir Alekseevich Avatkov

The paper explores the role and peculiarities of the populism in the modern foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Populism became especially popular in Turkeys foreign policy discourse when the Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002 and R.T. Erdoğan as President in 2014. Special attention is paid to R.T. Erdoğans populist statements made in the context of the key foreign policy ideologies - Neo-Ottomanism, Neo-Panturkism and Islamism. The propaganda of Neo-Ottoman ideas is aimed at restoring Turkey to its former Imperial greatness. The ultimate goal of Turkeys populism in Turkic states is to form a new Turkish-centric subsystem of international relations - the Turkic world. Turkeys Islamic populism within the country is primarily aimed at the conservative part of the population and at the world Islamic community on the international arena. The main task of such populism is the gradual abandonment of the principles of M.K. Ataturk and the secularism, as well as the formation of public opinion that Ankara is the center of the Islamic world. The author comes to the conclusion that Turkeys populism is quite effective and assists the ruling elite in achieving its foreign policy goals. In many ways, the success of Turkeys populism depends on the competent policy of its implementation by R.T. Erdoğan - a classic example of an Eastern politician with a charismatic type of leadership. However, the situation may change significantly in case of the power change in Turkey, emergence of a new leader and, consequently, new populist mechanisms.


Belleten ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 64 (241) ◽  
pp. 949-968
Author(s):  
Yücel Güçlü

The basic foreign policy of Turkey under Atatürk was one of friendship with all its neighbours and non-involvement in Great Power politics. Atatürk was essentially a realist. He repudiated adventurism and expansionism. What Turkey wanted was to accomplish its internal reconstruction in peace. The major stance of Atatürk's diplomacy was not only pacific, but was also clearly respectful of law. Since the Republic of Turkey came into existence, the main background of Turkish foreign policy had been friendship with the Soviets. Good relations with Russia guaranteed Turkey's continued security on its northeastern frontier and in the Black Sea. Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia and basically on account of this fact a Turco-British rapprochement started to take shape since 1935. Close co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference further accelerated the pace. Another aspect of Turkish foreign policy was the Balkan Entente of 1934 to guard against aggression in the region. Turkey's part in the Saadabad Pact of 1937 had also been active and enthusiastic. Regaining of Turkish sovereignty over the Straits at the Montreux Conference and winning back of the district of Hatay were among the most important successes of the Turkish diplomacy under Atatürk's auspices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ambassador Abdusamat A. Khaydarov ◽  
Ambassador Surat M. Mirkasymov

This article is a brief overview of the main trends in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan under the new leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The sections on bilateral relations and interaction of Uzbekistan with international organisations give an important insight into the dynamics of a strategically important Central Asian region and Eurasia as a whole. The article also reflects Uzbekistan’s perception of Eurasia as a region that is experiencing several geopolitical shifts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-360
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic

The path of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards NATO membership began after its entry into the Partnership for Peace in November 2006. In just a few years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has achieved an intensive dialogue with NATO (2008) and the launch of negotiations on the Membership Action Plan (2010), which was however activated in December 2018. In the meantime, there have come to a discord between the key internal political factors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and particularly clear distinction between the Bosniak and Croat elites that unequivocally support NATO membership, and representatives of Serbs at the state level and the Republic of Srpska who are currently against it. Moreover, in October 2017, the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska took a stand by which it proclaimed the military neutrality of this entity and in that regard insisted on consultations with the neighboring state - the Republic of Serbia. However, in March 2018, the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted a five-year strategic foreign policy document which stipulates that NATO membership is one of its foreign policy foundations. This document only added to the confusion regarding BiH?s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Following the general elections held in October 2018, this issue has now posed a specific problem over the formation of the Council of Ministers. Neighbors of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro have different opinions concerning the possibility of membership of this country in NATO. Accordingly, Croatia declaratively expresses support and emphasizes its interest in integrating BiH into NATO to prevent cross-border security challenges. Serbian officials are quite restrained about BiH?s entry into NATO, saying that this should be the result of the compromise of the elites of the three constituent nations. The global race between the United States and the Russian Federation represents a turning point in terms of BiH?s membership in NATO. The United States strongly supports this process, believing that it will secure the post-conflict Western Balkans project, while Russia retains the explicit position that any new enlargement poses a problem for its security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (88) ◽  

The second half of the 20th century witnessed many political and social upheavals in the Republic of Turkey as well as in the rest of the world. The political turmoil and chaos that occurred after 1970, which we determined as the limit of our study, and the social values that started to change with the introduction of technology in the institutional field after 1980 and in the individual life after 1990 caused the Turkish society to change at different speeds. Mehmet Güleryüz, who is the artist of the is a sensitive painter who observes, assimilates and has succeeded in reflecting these problems in his works by passing these problems through his intellectual filter with his ability to analyze with universal accuracy. In this study, the subject and drawing of Guleryuz's paintings were studied in this context. Keywords: Mehmet Guleryuz, 70’s, oil painting


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Benjamin C. Fortna

This article addresses the interrelated changes taking place in education during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which schools altered their approach to space, time, and economic priorities in order to align themselves with the shifting conditions of the period. It proceeds by examining a series of tensions between the desiderata of state and society, the collective and the individual, the secular and the religious, the national and the supranational, before assessing the diverse range of responses they elicited.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 269-285
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Fijołek-Kwaśniewska

The aim of this paper is to identify the individual political elements of the United Patriots’ coalition. The nationalist electoral alliance formed in 2016 by Attack, the IMRO -Bulgarian National Movement and National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria took a part of the third Boyko Borissov government. Starting this new partnership with the populist radical right, the GER B has resigned from promoting EU values, including minorities’ rights, much more than before. This coalition established xenophobia and making racists statements as a standard of Bulgarian parliamentary discussion. Its attitude towards the Turkish minority in Bulgaria and the Republic of Turkey shows hostility and prejudice.


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