scholarly journals The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 286-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Bassil ◽  
Nourhan Kassem

This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerful elements in the country, the diversity of voices within the media at the local level provides an opportunity to grasp the grievances, struggles, and agency of people in Tunisia, especially the most marginalised communities. This article will detail the changes in the media landscape, especially for local media, in Tunisia and connect our analysis of local media to better understand the Tunisia that has developed between dictatorship and democracy and the extent that the fledgling Tunisian democracy can withstand its most recent test.

Significance The issue of media independence has become a fraught one under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration, with perceptions rising among journalists and the public that the government is subjecting the media to political pressure. Critics of the administration speak of censorship and threats to freedom of expression. Japan's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has fallen from 22nd in 2011-12, before Abe took office, to 61st in 2015. Impacts The government seems likely to try to marginalise the criticisms of constitutional scholars, like it marginalises its other critics. International media as well as domestic journalists are likely to feel some pressure from the authorities. In the near term, the issue is unlikely to destabilise the government, or derail passage of security legislation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.


JALABAHASA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Anggun Putri Aminatul Musrichah

Berbagai media lokal maupun media nasional memberitakan kasus pembubaran upacara odalan di Bantul Yogyakarta dengan berbagai bias. Penelitian ini menganalisis wacana yang diproduksi oleh media nasional CNNIndonesia.com dan media lokal Solopos.com guna mengungkapkan kecenderungan kedua media tersebut dalam memberitakan kasus pembubaran upacara odalan. Teori yang digunakan adalah tiga dimensi analisis wacana kritis Norman Fairlough, yaitu dimensi tekstual, praktik wacana, dan sosiokultural dengan tiga tahapan pendekatan, yaitu deskripsi, eksplanasi, dan interpretasi. Dalam tahap dimensi teks, peranti teks yang dianalisis adalah judul, struktur gramatika, dan penggunaan konjungsi. Dimensi kedua, peneliti menganalisis interdiskursivitas dan intertekstualitas untuk menjelaskan bagaimana media mengonstruksi teks berita. Pada dimensi ketiga peneliti menjelaskan praktik sosiokultural dengan analisis kuasa dan ideologi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah CNNIndonesia.com berpihak pada kelompok penyelenggara upacara odalan, sebaliknya Solopos.com berpihak pada kelompok warga yang menolak. Media menggunakan aktor terkait sebagai kuasa atas ideologi masing-masing pihak. The various local media and national media report about a case of the dissolution of the odalan ceremony in Bantul Yogyakarta with a different bias. This study analyzes the discourse that was produced by CNNindonesia and Solopos.com in order to reveal how the national media trends CNNIndonesia.com and local media Solopos.com in reporting the odalan ceremony case. The theory used is the three dimentions of Norman Faircough’s critical discourse analysis, namely the textual dimension, discourse practice, and the sociocultural with three stages approach: description, explanation, and interpretation. In the text dimension stage, the text tools analyzed are the title, gramatical structure of the contents of the text, and the use of conjunctions. The second dimension, the researcher analyzes the interdiscursivity and intextuality sections to explain how the media construct the news text. In the third part, the researcher explains sociocultural practices by analyzing power and ideology. The results are CNNIndonesia.com taking sides with the odalan ceremony group and vice versa Solopos.com taking sides with residents who refuse. The media uses related actors as power over ideology of each party.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

The state of Turkey’s national media under the new regime, curbed in independence far in excess of typical media capture, having allegedly been ‘re-engineered’, with whole media outlets taken over by the government through moot uses of public authority and public resources from 2007, is narrated in this chapter. The chapter describes the hitherto unseen government pressure on the media, with scores of dissident journalists rendered jobless, and those more openly critical incarcerated and put on trial on flimsy charges. The discussion includes a description of some of the pro-government media practices—unprecedented, astounding, and simply incomprehensible by even the lowest standards of media ethics, such as a fabricated interview with Chomsky printed in headline in the pro-government flagship daily in 2013, purportedly communicating Chomsky’s support to Erdogan’s conspiratorial vision of international politics. The discussion also looks into the increasing government control of the Internet access and social media.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
LOUISA KHACHATRYAN

Abstract: This study analyzes the role of the media during the 45-day war in Artsakh in 2020. It aims to understand how the local media responded and reacted to official propaganda, particularly to the statements of the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The research question of the capstone project is “What was the media framing of the official statements of the Armenian Prime Minister throughout the war?” To answer this question, the study first provides a short timeline of the war and the PM’s statements. Secondly, it conducts a descriptive content analysis of the three local media outlets, which are selected through purposive sampling. The analysis shows that the government-imposed censorship as well as the political economy of the media significantly affected the way the PM’s statements were being framed. The study tries to understand to what extent there was a “rally round the flag” effect and what caused certain behavior from different media outlets. Keywords: Artsakh war, media framing, propaganda, Nikol Pashinyan, rally round the flag


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Hellen Mberia ◽  
Huda Elseddige ◽  
John Ndavula

Purpose:  The study sought  to determine the type of news on political corruption by newspapers in South Sudan Method   The study used descriptive research design to address the research objectives. The target population in this study was Sudan Tribune, Juba Monitor, The Dawn, Peace Day, Sudanese Online newspapers, international and local NGOs, journalists who work for the media station and lecturers and students from Juba University. The researcher identified every single element and the sampling frame was the five newspapers, also local and international NGOs, students and lecturers from Juba University Findings of the study Media houses shied away from giving priority to political corruption news for the fear of their lives, intimidation and torture.  the coverage of political corruption news on a quarter of a page, hence confirming the fact that the public in South Sudan was denied the opportunity by the print media to question the government on corruption in the country Contributions Informed by the findings, the study had the following  recommendation The various media regulatory policies and the constitutional rights should be implemented by the instruments of power including the police, the government and the judiciary. This would assure journalists and media houses of their freedom to access information and freedom of expression, while shielding them from intimidation, torture and killing. The legislature, in collaboration with the media regulatory bodies in South Sudan should enact laws that protected media houses and journalists, especially in the cases where they  cover sensitive but important information.


Author(s):  
Dr. Mohammed Ali Al-Rousan

The study stands on investigating the Media content of the official Jordanian broadcasting, in light of the Corona pandemic and the method used to employ the media instruments to deal with the Jordanian and global health and economical situation. Also the characteristics of its media discourse. The study relied on the descriptive and documentary analysis method to explore the Media content, guided by the systematic analysis approach about the input and output of media discourse, and the feedback to manage the media scene. The study concluded that Jordanian Media discourse characterizes by the participatory, integrative, and interactive approach within the two main parties of the crisis represented in the government and the public recipient, where the health and economic media releases its Media agenda which enabled it to employ its previous experiences and gain new experiences that could be added to the national Media experiences in the other world countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-53
Author(s):  
Chief Editor

Purpose: The purpose of the study to examine the prominence of political corruption news by newspapers in South Sudan Method: The study used descriptive research design to address the research objectives. The target population in this study was Sudan Tribune, Juba Monitor, The Dawn, Peace Day, Sudanese Online newspapers, international and local NGOs, journalists who work for the media station and lecturers and students from Juba University. The researcher can identify every single element and the sampling frame was the five newspapers, also local and international NGOs, students and lecturers from Juba University Findings: The findings indicated that media houses shied away from giving priority to political corruption news for the fear of their lives, intimidation and torture. This further saw the coverage of political corruption news on a quarter of a page, hence confirming the fact that the public in South Sudan was denied the opportunity by the print media to question the government on corruption in the country Unique contribution to theory, policy and practice: The study had the following recommendations: The various media regulatory policies and the constitutional rights should be implemented by the instruments of power including the police, the government and the judiciary. This would assure journalists and media houses of their freedom to access information and freedom of expression, while shielding them from intimidation, torture and killing. The legislature, in collaboration with the media regulatory bodies in South Sudan should enact laws that protected media houses and journalists, especially in the cases where they covered sensitive but important information. Those who infringed on the rights of journalists and media houses should be pursued and arraigned in the court of law, where punitive action would be taken against them. This would further reaffirm journalists of their safety.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Mari M'Bala-Ndi

Commentary: François Hollande’s five-year term of office as President of France overlaps a critical time for the future of New Caledonia, where a referendum is set to take place between 2014 and 2019 to decide whether or not the archipelago will remain within the French Republic or become independent. New Caledonia has a unique status in the polity of France. It is a special collectivity, more than a colonial territory, but less than a fully independent state within a Francophone commonwealth. It is the author’s contention, however, that within the public sphere of this unique political entity, it is the media in New Caledonia, rather than the government of metropolitan France that will play the decisive role in influencing the future of New Caledonia. Therefore, this commentary sets out to interrogate the role local media could play in the future of the archipelago and the implications for the New Caledonian public.


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